German Red Prince
Page 75
"If you want to survive in this world, you have to be tough. This is a great opportunity. We must act tough and look like we're ready to fight them to the death. These people in Chile don't actually dare to do anything to us. They only dare to be so unscrupulous because they see that we need their help."
“Comrade Soto, you must understand one thing: the Chilean revolution has only been successful for a short time, and there are still many contradictions and problems within them. As the only socialist force in South America besides Chile, they dare not do anything to us, otherwise they will definitely be next.”
"Chile dares not engage in combat with us. Once we do, Chile is more attractive to Argentina than our country. What is needed now is to maintain a balance among the three countries. So even if we forcefully drive the Chilean army away, they will not sanction us, much less send troops to attack us. If we are defeated by Argentina, Chile will not gain anything!"
Listening to Joseph's words, Soto also felt that they made a lot of sense. He was now admiring Joseph more and more. An outsider was able to analyze Chile's thoughts in such a short time. It was really worth hiring this consultant.
It seemed that the revival of Patagonia was just around the corner, so Soto decided to go there in person, taking with him a large number of soldiers. Soto not only wanted to quell the incident, but also to completely resolve the border issue.
At the border, Patagonian and Chilean soldiers remained in a standoff, with border patrolmen holding their guns to prevent Chilean soldiers from getting close.
However, the Chilean soldiers seemed emboldened and continued their provocations, believing that this time it would be the same as before, that the Patagonians wouldn't dare to do anything to them, and that they would just make a fuss and then go back.
However, this idea was quickly proven wrong. Soto and his team rushed over as soon as they received the news. As soon as they arrived, before the car had even come to a complete stop, Joseph jumped out like a wolf.
It's hard to imagine how someone nearing fifty could be so agile. After jumping out of the car, Joseph rushed towards the border where the two sides were facing off, and kicked a Chilean soldier who was provoking him at the border, sending him flying back. This scene was truly amazing, and the soldiers on both sides of the border didn't even have time to react.
"Get back!"
Joseph grabbed a gun from a border patrolman next to him and pointed it at the Chilean soldiers, yelling, "Get back here right now! Right now!"
Soto was terrified when he saw the situation. He was old but still young at heart. Fearing something might happen, he quickly ran over, afraid that Joseph might lose his temper and shoot the person on the other side again.
"Brothers in Chile, I'm so sorry, we just received a message that you're lost. Should I send someone to take you back?"
One played the good cop and the other the bad cop. Joseph's demeanor had clearly intimidated several people, so Soto seized the opportunity and began to introduce Joseph.
"This is the military representative sent by the Comintern to guide our work. He was probably a little excited when he heard that the Chilean comrade was lost. He bumped into him while rushing over. He is not very familiar with Spanish here. I don't know who taught him that sentence. Please forgive him."
He claims this kick was an accident? The soldier lying on the ground was starting to lose his composure; he'd almost been kicked in the gut.
"The Comintern has sent people to Patagonia?"
The Chilean official in charge was taken aback. The Comintern had actually sent people to the Americas. They really couldn't afford to go too far. The Comintern was the backbone of the world communist movement. If they offended it, things would get very difficult.
Moreover, France has always been indifferent to South America. There must be something going on with sending people to Patagonia this time. Chile hasn't even made contact with Paris, yet they have.
Looking at the patrolling soldiers, they all looked fierce and menacing. Moreover, they had also brought a lot of reinforcements. If they really fought, they wouldn't gain much advantage. Besides, this operation was originally a test. It would be best if they could get it, but it wouldn't be a loss if they couldn't. Since the other party had given them a way out, saying that they were lost, there was no point in staying here any longer. They might as well go back with the flow.
After much deliberation, the leading officer smiled and shook hands with Soto, declaring it a misunderstanding, before leaving with his men.
"See? They just left like that. It was all a bluff. We must never back down when dealing with people like that."
Joseph looked at the soldiers in front of him. They were all heroes who defended the country. Although they were outnumbered and outequipped, they did not retreat an inch.
"Thank you for your hard work." Joseph patted the dust off them and straightened their hats.
"You are national heroes."
"It's nothing, it's just that it feels like such a huge loss," one soldier said.
"How did you lose money?"
"You only got to kick them once, and none of us managed to kick any of the others. That's a huge loss."
Hearing this answer, Joseph and the others couldn't help but laugh. "Okay, next time they come, don't hold back, just kick them back!"
As Joseph had predicted, everything went smoothly afterward. Chile didn't say anything, not even a public announcement, and even took the initiative to contact Patagonia, wanting to get in touch with the Comintern.
"Damn, that kick was really hard. How can an old man have so much strength?" The soldier who was kicked complained while sitting in the vehicle. This time, his attempt to steal a chicken backfired, and he even got kicked himself.
“I think we were in the wrong first. That area is Patagonia’s border, and our crossing was illegal. They had a reason to do so. Moreover, we are both socialist countries and should help each other. It’s really not good to always take advantage of others,” a young man said from the car.
He believed that socialist countries should help each other, not fight amongst themselves. He greatly admired the Patagonian soldiers who guarded the border; if a shooting had occurred, they would surely have died.
But until the very end, these people did not back down. They deserve respect for their ideals and for protecting what they wanted to protect. He believed that he could also be like them in the future, fighting to the death for his beliefs.
"Allende, why are you taking their side? I'm letting you off the hook because you're young, otherwise I would have kicked you too," the soldier complained, clutching his stomach.
"If every person in a country is as brave and indomitable as those patrolling soldiers in Patagonia, how could a country possibly be defeated? A united people can never be broken."
After this incident, a seed quietly sprouted in Allende's heart, and Allende found his path for the future.
As night fell, Joseph was still awake. Patagonia had too many problems to solve one by one. He hunched over his desk, writing down these issues: the fragile industry, the fragile army, and many, many more.
Patagonia's first priority is to establish an intelligence organization. Intelligence is essential for everything, especially since he plans to organize bank robberies later.
He felt even more helpless when he learned that Patagonia was actually buying Chilean newspapers to get information. If someone with that level of skill tried to rob a bank, they would be riddled with bullets before they even got there.
Joseph was also considering the industrial issues here. He thought about whether he could write a letter to Thorne or something. No matter how bold Argentina was, they wouldn't dare to block German ships. The agricultural products here were actually quite good. Could they consider opening a few factories here to boost the local industry?
Then there's the issue of the church, which is the most difficult to deal with. Catholicism took root in South America much earlier than socialist ideology. If you had to choose between the two, people here would probably prefer to go play with God.
The people trust Jesus, who is long dead, more than they support the guerrillas who fight for their freedom. These churches must be defeated first, or problems will arise sooner or later.
A forceful approach will definitely not work; it will only allow those churches to exploit this to mislead the people. Even if they succeed, it won't last long, and these religions will eventually rise again.
"How to do it?"
Joseph scratched his head in distress, then suddenly remembered something: when Thorne learned that he was coming to South America, he gave him a package, saying that the package must contain the answer to the problem he wanted to solve.
Joseph quickly took out the package, which contained several more thick books. He could tell at a glance that these were still those fantasy novels. Joseph couldn't help but wonder who wrote these books? To be able to construct such a vast worldview and continuously expand upon it was truly amazing. He had to admire their knowledge and bold imagination.
These books were exactly what he wanted. Joseph picked up a slip of paper with a brief introduction to the books, which described the difficulties faced by left-wing forces in developing in Latin America and how to effectively mobilize the people.
Joseph picked up the top book and began to read. "The Theology of Liberation? What's that about?"
Before he knew it, it was late at night, but Joseph did not stop. After a while, he closed the book and sighed.
The author of this book, Joseph, was a genius. He effectively solved two problems: how to overthrow the church and how to unite the people.
This is so useful! Joseph couldn't help but admire Thorne again. How could this young man see so far ahead?
Thorne seems to be one step ahead of him in everything. With such talent, it seems that the German revolution is likely to be successful. Joseph will then guard the flame of revolution in South America and keep it burning.
Joseph glanced again at the hammer and sickle flag that had been hung up. He wanted to establish a union of Soviet socialist republics in South America, an unbreakable union!
Chapter 116 The Red Plan
I will bury you!
These were the last words of a revolutionary who fought against reactionary government forces and foreign intervention during the Battle of Paris before his death.
This phrase is now inscribed on the wall of the French Commune's Supreme Armed Forces building to remind every general and officer that the revolution is not yet complete and comrades must continue their efforts.
The largest reactionary force, the German Empire, has not yet been destroyed; their mission is not yet complete.
Although Kaiser Wilhelm of the German Empire was practically the father of the French Commune, if it weren't for the more than 500,000 marks of aid and a large amount of weapons and ammunition he provided to the Commune's armed forces, the French revolutionary forces might not have been able to defeat the government's regular army.
Every year, the German Emperor would clamor to hang those communist sympathizers in Germany, but in terms of the severity of their "crimes," he himself would probably be the first to be hanged.
There was a local joke in the commune: "Without William the Elder, there would be no New France." William II could never have imagined that he would unleash such a "monster."
Even though Wilhelm II is the "father of the Commune," and relations between the two countries are now easing, the German government has reduced its reparations to France several times, and trade and exchanges between the two countries are working toward normalization, the definition of the German Empire has never changed since the French Commune was first established.
"The German Empire was the world's most important, most corrupt, and most unscrupulous reactionary feudal empire, and the greatest obstacle to human civilization's progress toward light, freedom, equality, and democracy."
France still regards Germany as its greatest enemy. Their foreign policy adheres to the principle that human society has been, is, and will always be class-based, and that competition between countries with different social systems is a form of class struggle between socialism and capitalism.
Although the French Commune now maintains peaceful coexistence with the German Empire, peaceful coexistence with Germany does not mean that the world should remain unchanged. Peaceful coexistence is not suitable between exploiters and the exploited.
This is also why France is currently keen to provide aid to various parts of the world, and why the international brigade is fighting all over the world. The red forces fighting all over the world are the main force of world revolution.
The crisis in Germany and capitalism is deepening, and the world revolution must be radical in order to thoroughly and decisively destroy the foundations of this reactionary bastion.
The détente with Germany is only temporary. If the revolutionary forces around the world reach a certain level, France will not hesitate to launch a heavy attack on Germany.
The global revolutionary strategy is the general policy of France at present. The German Empire spread its power all over the world during the last World War, and France followed suit. In the early 1920s, French theorist Boncourt proposed the "Red Plan", which is a theory of global confrontation with the German Empire.
In areas far from Germany's core interests, revolutionary ideas were infiltrated through various means. When Germany withdrew from these areas, the infiltration continued, constantly shrinking Germany's influence and weakening its power.
France has also trained a large number of theorists for this purpose. After being packaged, these theorists may return to their hometowns as teachers, government officials, or kind-hearted landowners.
They secretly influenced the local population and launched a rebellion when the time was right. When they launched the rebellion, the International Brigades were often much faster than the German army and always arrived "at the first moment".
Because the International Brigades was a volunteer force composed of the working class and progressive people from all classes, it did not belong to any one country.
His existence was solely to fulfill the obligations of proletarian internationalism, so Germany could not do anything to France because of the International Brigades, even though it knew that the International Brigades were backed by the French and the Comintern.
However, this does not mean that Germany cannot do anything to the International Brigades, because it is an international organization and therefore not protected by the 1919 International Military Pact signed in Berlin after the war.
Captured column soldiers will not be subject to the provisions of the convention, as those captured during combat are not protected by the convention.
In other words, they could be disposed of at will by the other side. Such a team was hated by reactionary forces all over the world, so after being captured, only death awaited them.
All 150 men captured during the International Brigades' Central African Liberation Campaign were hanged by the German government. Their sacrifice was heroic, but it was precisely because of their sacrifice that Bonkur's red revolutionary theory was gradually realized.
The Red Front of Vietnam, the Liberation Alliance of Malaysia, the Fifth Front of India, the Arab League, the Wanda Movement in Africa—one after another, red armed groups and guerrillas appeared in Germany's sphere of influence, weakening Germany's control over the region.
Boncourt likened this theory to a rope that is slowly tightening. When the rope is tightened to a certain extent, all that is needed is the final push from France to strangle this behemoth.
Although Mr. Boncourt has been gone for a long time, his global strategy continues to guide France.
Global guerrilla warfare, relying on the strength of local people, depleted Germany's power, keeping Germany busy in a series of counterinsurgency wars and constantly shrinking its sphere of influence.
Mr. Boncourt's strategy was fatal to Germany. Germany fully understood France's purpose, but it just couldn't find a suitable way to counter it. After all, every penny they gained was built on the oppression of the people.
The power of the people is immense; even Germany could not effectively eliminate these guerrilla groups. When they concentrated their efforts on one group, more guerrilla groups would emerge in other places.
Therefore, this is an open conspiracy with no solution. They simply cannot effectively eliminate those guerrillas, and these areas are on the periphery of Germany's interests, not very important to Germany.
But if you give up, you can't bear to; if you don't give up, you might not even break even after a long period of maintaining order. This kind of place is like a place that's tasteless to eat but a pity to throw away.
By capitalizing on Germany's reluctance to relinquish control, the Red Plan was able to be implemented so smoothly.
As mentioned before, this strategy is just the slow tightening of the rope. There is something even more important, which is the most crucial kick: kicking the chair over.
The German Empire was the enemy of all the proletariat in the world, and the French Commune, as the elder brother of the world's proletariat, had to confront this evil dragon.
France has conducted numerous war simulations and military conferences over the years to model possible wars between the two countries. Through long-term practice, France has gradually developed a relatively reasonable strategy for the current stage.
In the Commune's Supreme Armed Forces building, the French military's top brass gathered as before to discuss future war strategies against Germany.
Because this involved the war against Germany, the foreign generals who had come to France for refuge did not participate, even though some of them were very capable.
The meeting was chaired by Field Marshal Gaston Byrth, and the theme of the meeting remained how to launch an effective attack against Germany.
"Our greatest enemy at present is the German Empire, but in future wars, our greatest enemy will be the Kingdom of the Rhine."
Pierre König pointed with his baton to the giant map of the Franco-German border hanging on the wall and said.
"We must learn from the lessons of the last war and take the influence of the Kingdom of the Rhine seriously enough. In the next war, we must never be defeated a second time."
While the Franco-German conflict was significant, the relationship between France and the Kingdom of the Rhine was actually worse, with the Kingdom of the Rhine playing a role in both the Battle of Leipzig and the Franco-Prussian War.
During the war, the Kingdom of the Rhine also caused a lot of trouble for the French army, so the first step in the Commune's planning of the war against Germany was to quickly destroy the armed forces of the Kingdom of the Rhine.
"According to intelligence and long-term observation, Germany and its vassal state Flanders Wallonia have established a long defensive line from Dunkirk to Mürhausen. Their thinking is still based on the ideas of World War I. They want to rely on this long defensive line to confront us and fight a long war of attrition."
"Germany's intentions are clear: it wants to prolong the war. After the last war, Germany controlled the entire East European plain and Ukraine, the breadbasket of the world. So, the strategy for the next war is exactly the opposite of that of the last war."
"After Germany controlled the breadbasket of Eastern Europe, what they needed to do was to deplete it as much as possible. Germany had enough resources to support a long war, which is why it was so actively spending money and resources to build a long defensive line."
"However, a prolonged war of attrition is definitely not feasible for us."
König then pointed to the English Channel and the Atlantic Ocean, saying, "Germany's high seas fleet is now the most powerful in the world. Our ally Britain has lost many warships in the last revolution, and even if the British and our navies were to join forces, they might not be able to defeat the German navy."
"Germany might block the Atlantic shipping lanes, and it might also block the English Channel. This would put us in a dilemma. If Germany gains control of the sea, it might land in Britain, or it might land on our coast. Even if it doesn't land, we won't be able to get enough supplies because of the blocked shipping lanes."
"Moreover, this war is different from the Great War. This is a war of liberation. We cannot plunder supplies from the colonies to supply the front lines as we did in the Great War. Moreover, we do not have any colonies at all. At the same time, our enemies are definitely not just Germany."
"In the French Republic in Africa, and in the British Royal Family in Canada, these former Allied powers are always looking to make a comeback. If this drags on for too long, they will definitely negotiate with Germany to demand entry, and then we will be surrounded by enemies. This is the most dangerous situation, but we cannot avoid it. We must prepare for the worst."
The world is a strange place. This time, France wants a quick victory, so they have to do the opposite of the last war—a war strategy that subverts tradition.
"Marshal Gamelin, as the commander of the last war, you must have a deeper understanding of the German army than we do. What kind of tactics do you think Germany might adopt in the future?"
Gamelin did not accompany Pétain to Africa during the French Revolution because of their strained relationship during the war.
His performance during the war was quite outstanding, and Gamelin was always regarded as a national hero, so he was not purged after the revolution succeeded.
Because Gammon did not command troops to fight against the revolutionary army during the civil war, he was only briefly detained after the victory of the Great Revolution. He was soon released and reinstated to his original position. After guiding the reform of the commune militia, he became the new Marshal of the State.
Gammelin's appointment as Marshal of the State was a compromise with the conservative forces in the army. With him around, the balance of power within the commune's army could be maintained.
At that moment, Gamelin sat in a chair, looking at the huge border map. "I think what Germany wants is not a waste of time, but a waste of manpower."
He stood up, walked towards the border map, and slowly said, "Before the war, Germany had more than 60 million people, while France had only more than 40 million. But back then, we had vast colonies to replenish our troops, but now it's completely different."
"After the war, we lost these colonies and a large part of our population, which put us at a disadvantage from the start compared to Germany, which had many satellite states."
"This defensive line is not only meant to stop our advance, but more importantly, to effectively kill us. If the damage we inflict on this defensive line reaches Germany's expected range, they will quickly switch from defense to offense."
“Look, everyone,” Gamelin pointed to the Alsace-Lorraine region. “This is a key area of German defense. The Germans have built strong fortifications here. If they want to break through this line of defense, our losses will be incalculable.”
"Germany used a tactic called the assault team during the war, which proved very effective for them. As a result, the current German army still attaches great importance to traditional infantry."
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