Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

How do you take care of them?

The new China needs the support of overseas Chinese, their remittances, and their return to build the country.

But we cannot accommodate them without principles.

Instead, we must make them clearly aware of New China's policies, explaining how New China operates and what its principles are. If they can accept this, then they are New China's friends. If they cannot accept this, New China will not force them to accept it. This is the clear card.

Instead of wavering on matters of principle just to accommodate them.

This is actually worse.

The Chairman immediately discussed Wei Hongjun's intentions with other leaders.

Can be compared.

On the issue of land reform, the central leadership still attaches great importance to Wei Hongjun's attitude. This is because Wei Hongjun is a very outstanding "expert" on rural issues in the CCP. If anyone can compare with Wei Hongjun on rural issues and land reform, only Gao Gang in Northeast China and Deng Zhihui in the Central South Bureau are currently the three most outstanding cadres in the CCP's rural work.

Because these three people personally presided over the land reform in North China, Northeast China and Central China, and the results of the land reform were very good.

Deng Zhihui of the Central South Bureau clearly disagreed with the South China Bureau's land reform plan. Wei Hongjun echoed this sentiment, and even Comrade Xiuyang was reluctant to voice his objection. After the Politburo members discussed the matter, the Chairman addressed Wei Hongjun, "Comrade Hongjun, the South China Bureau hopes the Ministry of Agriculture will dispatch an experienced land reform cadre to Guangdong to oversee land reform. This task is now yours. Talk to the Ministry of Agriculture and select a cadre."

Luo Qirong wanted to fight against Marshal Ye in the South China Branch, but it was obvious that he was unable to do so.

After all, Luo Qirong came from North China.

He clearly wanted to drag North China into the South China Bureau's disputes. He proposed that the Central Committee send cadres to oversee Guangdong's public security and land reform work, essentially bringing Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun into the picture.

But since things have come to this, Wei Hongjun is not afraid.

What needs to be done must be done.

Guangdong is a good place.

China could not only conduct foreign trade with socialist countries led by the Soviet Union, but also had to trade with Western countries in Europe and the United States, as well as the vast majority of Third World countries. Guangdong was the best bridgehead.

That is why the central government held the Canton Fair in Guangdong.

Guangdong cannot be separated from the central government.

The Central Committee believed that the South China Bureau still had many problems, and once again harshly criticized localism. Fang Fang was particularly criticized. However, the Central Committee still gave Marshal Ye a decent face.

Because although Marshal Ye made the Central Committee dissatisfied on some issues.

But Marshal Ye was capable at work.

They've done a very good job stabilizing Guangdong and South China. Furthermore, Marshal Ye's faction is not clearly visible, and the Fourth and Fifth Field Armies, the cadres who went south, and the local cadres are able to mesh together. In other words, Marshal Ye is currently in charge of the South China Branch. If someone else were in charge, the two sides would have already started fighting.

Of course, it also has something to do with the fact that Marshal Ye was not very aggressive.

Fang Fang is just taken as an example.

Finally, the Politburo meeting decided that the North China Bureau would coordinate and transfer 300 public security cadres and 200 land reform cadres from North China to the south.

The Central Committee also required that the public security officers assigned to the North China Bureau must have received training at the Public Security University. The Central Committee believed that the problems with the Guangdong public security force were primarily due to the retention of too many veteran police officers, and that this force needed to be rectified. Simply sending one officer to oversee Guangdong's public security work was insufficient.

A group of cadres still need to be dispatched to cooperate.

In today's China, North China has done the best job in formalizing public security.

After more than three years of practice, the textbooks of the Public Security University in North China have become very good.

Not to mention the students we train.

Large numbers of military officers and soldiers received a few months of short-term training at the Public Security University and were then assigned to various public security bureaus. This is why the central government decided to transfer 300 public security officers from the public security forces in North China.

At the same time, the Central Committee decided to establish the South China Public Security University in Guangzhou, with Luo Qirong as its president. The Guangdong-Guangxi Column selected 5000 officers and soldiers as the first batch of trainees, who received short-term training lasting three, six, or ten months.

Then they were all transferred to the public security in Guangdong and Guangxi regions.

The same is true for land reform cadres.

Chapter 767 Cadre Dispatch

After the enlarged Politburo meeting ended, Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun held a meeting with the main cadres of the Ministry of Public Security and the Ministry of Land.

Discuss who to send to Guangdong.

This was no small matter. Luo Qirong's request was that the central government dispatch cadres to lead Guangdong's public security and land reform efforts. The Central South Bureau, wary of Marshal Ye, had engaged in verbal battles with the South China Branch, but had never taken any concrete action. Now that Luo Qirong had stirred up trouble within the bureau, it had given the Central South Bureau an opportunity, and so they hoped the central government would dispatch cadres to break the impasse.

As long as the cadres sent by the Central Committee broke through in Guangdong, there would be a loophole in the South China Branch. The Central South Bureau would also have the opportunity and excuse to send cadres into the South China Branch.

So this was the common idea of ​​Luo Qirong and the Central South Bureau.

To lead public security and land reform efforts in the important province of Guangdong, one's rank couldn't be too low. After all, they would have to intervene in conflicts between the cadres who had moved south and the local cadres. An ordinary cadre would be nothing more than cannon fodder. They wouldn't have played any role, and they wouldn't have achieved anything themselves. Therefore, cadres with sufficient ability and reputation were essential.

"Vice Premier Nie, who do you think would be the most suitable person for our Ministry of Public Security to send?"

Du Liqing is the most troubled.

Marshal Nie is already one of the highest leaders of the Central Committee, so he is bound to be involved in these issues. Wei Hongjun is also currently one foot in the central decision-making level, and many issues cannot be avoided.

But Du Liqing really didn't want to get involved in muddy waters.

Neither Marshal Ye nor Luo Qirong are simple characters.

There are people behind the scenes.

Luo Qirong had the support of the Central South Bureau, especially Marshal Lin. As for Deng Zhihui and others who supported Luo Qirong, it was mainly because they were dissatisfied with the local cadres of the South China Bureau and their attitude towards land reform.

Moreover, Luo Qirong has a lot of face in the central government.

After all, he was the director of the Central Security Bureau and has a very good personal relationship with the central leaders.

As for Marshal Ye, there is no need to say more.

He is a top-notch boss himself.

He didn't seem to have any factional connections, but he had been in the Yangtze River Bureau for many years and had good relationships with bigwigs in the Party, such as Wu Hao and Dong Biwu. The Chairman also had deep feelings for Marshal Ye.

Although Du Liqing is the Minister of Public Security and is now in a high position of power, she does not want to offend either of them.

But no way.

The central government has already expressed its stance, and he can only obey.

But Du Liqing wasn't sure who to send. Or perhaps she still didn't want to muddy the waters, so she preferred to follow Marshal Nie's opinion.

Marshal Nie thought for a while and then said, "What do you think of Comrade Tan Zhengwen?

"Deputy Minister Tan?"

Du Liqing took a deep breath. Although she knew that the Central Committee would send a heavyweight cadre south, she didn't expect Marshal Nie to choose Tan Zhengwen.

Tan Zhengwen participated in the Southern Hunan Uprising led by the Commander-in-Chief and then followed him to Jingfeng Mountain, becoming one of the cadres who came down from Jingfeng Mountain. He subsequently worked in security for a long time. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he worked in security in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region in the early stages, and later served as Minister of Social Affairs in the Shanxi-Suiyuan Military Region. He was then transferred to the Central Committee as Deputy Minister of Social Affairs, leading intelligence work. He later followed the Central Committee to Yi County.

After Du Liqing, who was in charge of Beijing's public security affairs, was promoted to the central government to serve as Minister of Social Affairs, Tan Zhengwen was appointed a member of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee Standing Committee, Director of the Public Security Bureau, and concurrently Minister of Social Affairs. After the Ministry of Social Affairs was abolished and the Ministry of Public Security was established, Tan Zhengwen began serving as Deputy Minister of Public Security, though he did not have specific responsibilities within the Ministry, as his duties were all in Beijing.

In the past six months, Beijing has cracked a large number of espionage cases.

Tan Zhengwen made outstanding contributions during this process. In Shanghai, facing rampant espionage forces, Rao Shushi and General Chen also wanted to transfer Tan Zhengwen to the East China Bureau. This shows Tan Zhengwen's ability.

"Comrade Tan Zhengwen is highly capable and experienced."

Marshal Nie commented on Tan Zhengwen, but of course he didn't say anything else.

That means Tan Zhengwen’s level is not low.

Not only was he a deputy minister of public security, he was also a member of the Standing Committee of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee. In the military, he would be roughly a deputy corps-level cadre. Furthermore, Tan Zhengwen was a Beijing official deeply trusted by the central government.

As the saying goes, when Beijing officials meet local officials, they are all one level higher.

Therefore, if Tan Zhengwen goes to the South China Branch, the South China Branch must at least give him a position as a branch committee member or a branch standing committee member. In other words, if he goes to the South China Branch, he will become one of the leaders of the South China Branch.

If you go to the South China Branch, you won’t be treated as cannon fodder.

Moreover, Tan Zhengwen had worked under Luo Qirong in his early years, and the two had a good relationship. Since he was about to intervene in the affairs of the South China Branch, Marshal Nie was of course prepared to give Luo Qirong sufficient support.

Tan Zhengwen used to be in charge of public security work in Guangdong, so he could give great support to Luo Qirong.

When the other deputy ministers of the Ministry of Public Security heard that Nie Shuai had proposed Tan Zhengwen, they all breathed a sigh of relief. Right now, the South China Branch was a fight between the top brass, and even officials of Du Liqing's rank were unwilling to intervene, let alone deputy ministers like them.

But they are all candidates.

Now that Tan Zhengwen had been chosen, they didn't have to go. Therefore, they immediately echoed and supported Marshal Nie's choice.

"Comrade Du Liqing, what do you think?"

Although Marshal Nie is in charge of the Ministry of Public Security, this is his personality.

Du Liqing nodded.

What else could he say.

Someone had to be sent. Only a deputy ministerial-level cadre could go to Guangdong to oversee the situation. Looking at the attitudes of the deputy ministers of public security next to him, he knew they were all supportive.

As the saying goes, a dead Taoist friend will never die if he is a poor Taoist.

None of them wanted to go, so they could only push Tan Zhengwen, who was not present at the moment, out.

“Deputy Minister Tan is indeed very suitable.

However, Du Liqing said: "But this still needs to be discussed with the Beijing Municipal Party Committee."

"I'll communicate with them. The Ministry of Public Security should consider who to send to Beijing as the Public Security Bureau Chief.

"Then after I finish talking with the Beijing Municipal Committee, I will report it to the central government."

After Marshal Nie chose Tan Zhengwen, he looked at Wei Hongjun.

The affairs of the Ministry of Agriculture were handed over to Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun spoke with several officials from the Ministry of Agriculture. Minister of Agriculture Li Shucheng and Vice Ministers Li Shaocheng, Luo Yuchuan, and Wu Juenong were all present. They all knew what had happened.

Now the Ministry of Agriculture is going to send a cadre to guide the land reform work.

Like the Deputy Minister of Public Security, several Deputy Ministers of Agriculture were also unwilling to go. Those Deputy Ministers of Public Security had all been cadres with years of experience in the Security Bureau. Even they were unwilling to get involved, let alone those from the Ministry of Agriculture.

Li Shaocheng wasn't worried. He was currently in charge of all the practical work at the Ministry of Agriculture. Everyone in the State Council knew that Li Shaocheng would be taking over as Minister of Agriculture.

But other deputy ministers are different.

Under normal circumstances, they would not be unacceptable to being in charge of land reform in local areas, especially in an important province like Guangdong. But not when the contradictions are so acute as now.

"Mr. Li, would you like to say something?"

Although Li Shucheng's position in the Ministry of Agriculture is symbolic.

But due respect is still due, as Li Shucheng not only has extensive experience, but also has deep historical ties with many central leaders.