Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

But Deng Guo will have to face these things sooner or later.

So Deng Guo was also considering these things.

Luo Qirong's attitude today was very clear; he must have an answer.

Deng Guo was right.

Luo Qirong's report caused a great stir within both the Central Committee and the Central South Bureau. The Central South Bureau had no excuse to intervene in the affairs of the South China Bureau. After Luo Qirong's report was released, Deng Zhihui, Li Xuefeng, and others immediately criticized the South China Bureau for some of its actions.

Then there is the central side.

In Luo Qirong's report, he focused on criticizing the local protectionism existing in the South China Branch.

It includes not only Guangdong, but also Guangxi.

Luo Qirong finally requested that the Central Committee and the Central South Bureau send cadres to lead Guangdong's public security and land reform work. Luo Qirong also focused on the land reform in North China, which he highly praised.

It is hoped that a cadre with rich experience in land reform can be selected to go south to Guangdong.

As a result, the matter finally came to Nie Shuai and Wei Hongjun.

Chapter 766 Involvement

Wei Hongjun really didn't expect this.

What happened thousands of miles away in Guangdong ultimately affected them. After receiving Luo Qirong's report, the Central Committee attached great importance to it. The Chairman convened an enlarged meeting of the Politburo to specifically discuss the issue. Currently, the CCP does not have a Politburo Standing Committee or alternate Politburo members.

The Secretariat currently replaces the functions of the Political Bureau Standing Committee and presides over the work of the Central Committee.

Because there were no alternate members of the Politburo, the ranking of Central Committee members was essentially based on their standing. Although Wei Hongjun had just become a Central Committee member at the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, he had been transferred to the Central Committee with considerable authority. Furthermore, this incident also involved land reform, so Wei Hongjun was in attendance at the enlarged Politburo meeting.

This was also the first time Wei Hongjun had participated in the Party's decision-making meetings since attending the Central People's Government meetings as a member of the Central People's Government. It can be said that since the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, Wei Hongjun had already stepped into the decision-making level.

New China has just been established, so what the central government is most wary of at the moment is separatism.

Worried about the local area becoming too powerful.

Ever since Qin Shi Huang established the county system, the trend of Chinese dynasties has been towards centralization, and the CCP is no exception.

Luo Qirong's report touched a nerve with the Central Committee. However, Marshal Ye's report also arrived, carefully analyzing the complex situation in Guangdong and defending some of Luo Qirong's accusations.

But Marshal Ye is not a tough person.

Or perhaps Marshal Ye possessed a strong ability to integrate forces, handling issues across various factions with ease. Therefore, his report was not particularly forceful, simply emphasizing the unique and complex situation in Guangdong.

Instead, Fang Fang refuted all of Luo Qirong's criticisms in his report. Not only did he refute Luo Qirong's criticisms, he even accused the cadres who had gone south of their work of numerous flaws. Fang Fang had no other choice. So many people were watching him; if he backed down, the local cadres would have to step down as well. Therefore, Fang Fang absolutely could not acknowledge the charges leveled at Luo Qirong.

However, as far as the central government is concerned, Fang Fang can never compare to Luo Qirong in terms of prestige.

Luo Qirong was a cadre highly trusted by the Central Committee. Moreover, Fang Fang's choice to criticize the cadres who had gone south, like Luo Qirong, only made the Central Committee even more worried. Fang Fang was a representative cadre of the local cadres in South China.

This is his attitude towards the cadres who came from the south. One can imagine the attitude of local cadres in South China towards the cadres who came from the south.

"Comrade Rong Zhen, what do you think of what Comrade Luo Qirong said about the problems on the Guangdong public security front?"

The Chairman called out Marshal Nie’s name.

Because Marshal Nie is the director of the Political and Legal Committee.

Marshal Nie understood that he couldn't avoid this matter. So, after considering the details, he said, "The work of the public security front, especially the anti-espionage work, has many special features. Sometimes, in order to combat espionage, some extraordinary means are adopted in the work. For example, the Guangdong Public Security Bureau uses some defected spies and some people with complex social connections. These are all things that can happen in the work. Because through these people, they can find some hidden spies more quickly and efficiently."

"But this is only a special measure under special circumstances, and should not be the main content of public security work. Our public security is not the old police of old China, and our public security work cannot follow the same model as the police work of old China. We should rely on the broad masses of the people and use the vast ocean of people's war to eliminate the spies, underworld gangs, secret societies, and rogues who remain in the old society. It is obvious that the public security work of the South China Branch has taken the wrong path. They do not believe in the power of the broad masses of the people and the power of people's war. They think they have taken a shortcut and quickly stabilized the social order in Guangzhou. But their approach will definitely cause endless troubles.

"First, it will cause our public security officials to forget the righteous path and the power of people's war, and instead seek shortcuts. However, once our public security work takes shortcuts, all sorts of problems will arise. If they can take shortcuts today to quickly stabilize social order, they will likely do whatever it takes to achieve their goals in the future. This was the method used in the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign back then.

"Secondly, it will seriously affect the image of our new government among the people. If the people see that our new government and our public security forces are actually mixed with the spies who oppressed the people in the old society, and even with gangsters and hooligans, how will our people view us? In their eyes, how is we different from the Kuomintang reactionaries in old China? How can our people trust our new government? Can a government without the support of the people still be the new society that our party aspires to?"

"Third, upholding principles is the most difficult, while compromise is the easiest. If the Guangdong police compromise with those underground criminal forces in exchange for temporary stability, then other agencies should also adopt the same approach. Temporary compromise brings temporary stability, but this stability cannot last.

Apart from anything else, Coach Nie still has a lot of ideas about this aspect.

New China, new atmosphere.

At the time of liberation, every city was in chaos. Seriously, the most chaotic situation was when the Jin-Cha-Ji region liberated Xuanhua and Zhangjiakou. This was because the Jin-Cha-Ji cadres at the time had no experience in taking over cities, and many absurdities ensued. By the time they captured Datong, Shijiazhuang, and Baoding, the chaos was less severe.

Because I already have enough experience.

If we talk about cities with the most problems left over, Beijing and Tianjin are the most prominent. There are many stragglers, spies, gangsters, scoundrels, and more importantly, many old intellectuals left over from the old China.

Just as confusing.

But the Beijing Public Security Bureau did not say that in order to quickly stabilize the order on the streets, it would compromise with those underground forces. On the contrary, Beijing even mobilized the army and mobilized the people of the city to participate in the elimination of those underground forces.

People's war is the best way to deal with these underground forces.

However, in order to combat espionage, the Guangdong police used some former spies, as well as many former police officers and gang members to help. It's fine to use them, but you can't bring them all into the Public Security Bureau and make them official public security personnel.

How can we ensure the purity of the Public Security Bureau?

Marshal Nie agreed with Luo Qirong on this point. What made Marshal Nie even more dissatisfied was that you brought these remnants of the old society into the Public Security Bureau, which made the general public think of the new China and its public security.

This simply damages the image of the public security of New China.

"Comrade Rong Zhen, these words are well said."

In fact, among the current central cadres, Nie Shuai lacked quite a bit in terms of courage and character compared to some other cadres. But Nie Shuai had one thing that many Party members and cadres could not match: a strong sense of discipline and principle.

Marshal Nie may not be that kind of pioneering cadre.

But after having the correct route, we have always done very well in the specific practice of implementing this route.

This is also the reason why the Chairman admires Coach Nie.

The Chairman was very satisfied with Marshal Nie's answer, so he said: "Our Party members and cadres must never compromise without principles for the sake of temporary comfort. This is absolutely unacceptable in our work.

“That’s what the Chairman said.

Ren Peiguo echoed: "It is easiest to give up principles and compromise with reality. But such things can easily leave hidden dangers, and they are big hidden dangers. Once you compromise once, the importance of principles in your heart will decrease. Because you will unconsciously..."

I believe that even when necessary, principles don't necessarily need to be adhered to. Then, people will gradually forget the importance of principles. They'll always find excuses to abandon them, ultimately becoming completely unprincipled. We absolutely cannot approach our work this way.

Sticking to principles is not being pedantic, nor is it being inflexible.

But that's just how people are.

Once principles are abandoned, they lose their former sanctity and become far less important. Principles will then gradually give way, until they are finally abandoned completely. This is how people's bottom lines are broken, step by step.

"The Central South Bureau also has complaints about the South China Branch's public security work."

The Prime Minister spoke.

The Prime Minister was somewhat dissatisfied with Luo Qirong for making such a big deal out of the matter.

Because the South China Branch's incident had become such a big deal, it had not only caused a stir within the Central South Bureau but had now reached the central government. The Prime Minister disliked such sharp conflicts the most.

But the current situation has to be dealt with.

The Central South Bureau’s attitude is very clear.

They support Luo Qirong more than local cadres represented by Fang Fang.

After hearing the Premier and Ren Peiguo's opinions, the Chairman realized that Guangdong's public security work was indeed plagued by numerous problems. Therefore, he said, "Comrade Rong Zhen, please select an experienced and principled comrade and submit him to the Politburo for approval. Then he can go to the South China Branch and lead public security work in Guangdong."

Marshal Nie accepted the order.

Marshal Nie criticized the public security work of the South China Branch, but this was determined by the position he was in. However, Marshal Nie did not think of intervening in the conflict between them.

But the situation now is clear.

As long as the central government sends a cadre to preside over Guangdong’s public security work, he will definitely intervene in the internal conflicts of the South China Branch.

Luo Qirong reported on several issues concerning the South China Branch, and the Chairman and the Politburo members discussed them one by one. Finally, they came to the most important issue, which was land reform in Guangdong.

Land reform can be said to be the foundation of the revolution and the foundation of the industrialization of New China.

Therefore, the chairmen are very cautious.

The Chairman presented the reports of many people from the Central South Bureau and the South China Branch. Then he said directly: "Comrade Red Army, you speak."

On rural issues, the Chairman still trusts Wei Hongjun very much.

Because North China's rural areas have achieved remarkable results in recent years. Land reform has been successful, grain production has been increasing, and compared to other regions, North China is also at the forefront in rural road construction and water conservancy projects.

Achievements have been made in rural party and government construction.

As soon as Wei Hongjun saw the meeting agenda, he knew he had to speak. This was because the land reform issue in Guangdong was the truly fundamental issue. Many other issues arose as a result of the Guangdong land reform.

So Wei Hongjun had made preparations long ago.

"Chairman, leaders, the essence of land reform is to change the production relations in rural areas, completely overthrow the feudal land system, and achieve the goal of land to the tiller. This is the basic nature of land reform. China is vast, and the situation in each province, and even in each prefecture within the same province, is different. In other words, each place has its own particularities, and we must take these particularities into account. However, these particularities should not change the basic nature of land reform itself.

"Currently, the South China Branch's land reform efforts have overemphasized the unique characteristics of Guangdong. This uniqueness has obscured the fundamental nature of land reform. This confuses the universality and particularity of contradictions. If we want to resolve the land reform problem in Guangdong, we must firmly grasp the fundamental nature of land reform. On this basis, we can then consider the unique characteristics of Guangdong."

The chairman smiled and nodded.

Very satisfied with Wei Hongjun.

Because Wei Hongjun is no longer just an outstanding and capable frontline cadre, but also a cadre who can look at problems from a theoretical perspective. Regarding the issue of land reform in Guangdong, he did not look at the complex series of problems involved. Instead, he directly summarized the problem from a theoretical perspective. Wei Hongjun continued, "The Central Committee has already formulated the 'Land Reform Law.' All discussions should revolve around the 'Land Reform Law.' As for the special characteristics of Guangdong, we must certainly take them into consideration. However, this consideration cannot be limited to the above sentence. Instead, it must be clear under what circumstances and what kind of consideration can be given. Moreover, the scope of this consideration must never affect land reform. Consideration should be given to other aspects, not just to the issue of land reform.

"We should send more cadres to the countryside to mobilize our farmers and let them understand the policies. At the same time, we should prepare the most detailed reports. Compared with the land reform during the Liberation War, the conditions are much better now. We can conduct more detailed investigations than then, including more accurate classification of those overseas Chinese families. Only with the most extensive and comprehensive survey data can we formulate different policies according to different situations.

Wei Hongjun is really familiar with land reform.

Because of the land reform in North China, many of Wei Hongjun's previous ideas became more perfect.

The basic principles of land reform cannot be changed.

That is, to overthrow the feudal land system. To avoid rural conflicts caused by land annexation, the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee clearly stated the "nationalization of land." This is the general line for land reform formulated by the central government. All land reform work should be based on this general line, with specific handling of specific circumstances.

The South China Branch, however, is currently deviating from the general line of land reform outlined at the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee. The South China Branch's current position is that many of the lands owned by overseas Chinese families were not acquired through exploitation, but were purchased with money earned abroad, and therefore these lands should be avoided in land reform.

This is a typical example of failing to grasp the basic contradictions of land reform.

This is not the time of the Liberation War.

During the war, many policies had to be compromised for the sake of the war. That's why Wei Hongjun proposed that land reform absolutely must not involve the middle peasants. But now that the war is over, the purpose of land reform has changed.

Overseas Chinese and their families should be taken care of.

But this care should be reflected in politics, education and other aspects, rather than land.

Furthermore, special handling of special circumstances must be based on a complete and detailed investigation. Without an investigation, merely issuing a one- or two-sentence order is irresponsible.

Why did a tug-of-war break out over land reform in Guangdong?

One reason was that the South China Branch's land reform efforts failed to adhere to fundamental principles, deviating from the central government's general land reform policy and constantly hesitating. Another reason was that the superior's orders were vague, stating that care would be provided for the families of overseas Chinese. However, the scope of this care was unclear.

There are six million overseas Chinese and their families in Guangdong.