Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

At that time, they will have to consider not only their own interests, but also the interests of their own factions.

At that time, promoting any policy would have been extremely difficult because opposition would have grown increasingly vocal. On the other hand, the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee took place before the founding of the People's Republic of China, when everyone hadn't had time to demarcate their territory.

The conflict of interest is not serious.

As long as the policy does not directly affect one's own interests, the opposition will not be too strong.

Like this retirement policy.

If you had proposed it ten years later, I don't know how much opposition there would have been. After all, many of the founding heroes were in their fifties or sixties at that time, and retirement policies would have directly affected their interests.

That's fine now.

The opposition is not strong.

So the meeting approved Dong Biwu's proposal. Of course, this was only an internal party resolution, not a formal document. This was because it only governed Party cadres. To govern all government officials, it would need to be approved at the CPPCC meeting. And later, at the National People's Congress.

However, since it has been passed at the party meeting, there will not be any major problems whether it is the CPPCC meeting or the NPC meeting.

"The party should clarify whether its members can engage in exploitation."

Chapter 754: Unity Meeting

The proposal from the North China Bureau was mainly about the formalization of regime building.

Marshal Nie also proposed formalizing Party meetings, organizational development, and the retirement system for Party members and cadres. He also proposed formalizing laws. While the current legal framework is still incomplete, the central government should enact laws in all areas. First, a broad framework should be established, and then the Legal Affairs Committee will continue to refine the laws.

Perfect one item and fill one item.

There is no need to wait until everything is perfected before issuing laws.

The North China Bureau currently possesses the most comprehensive legal framework in the country. Furthermore, most of the central government departments are directly subordinate to the various departments of the North China People's Government. The final outcome of the discussion was that everyone agreed with Marshal Nie's proposal.

However, legal issues are not something that can be discussed at Party meetings. After a resolution is reached at a Party meeting, the details still need to be approved at a CPPCC meeting.

After the North China Bureau had their turn to make proposals, Gao Gang spoke.

"The Central Committee should be firm in its convictions, and certain comrades should not waver in their faith in the Communist Party of China. The Party should make clear its stance on important issues. The Central Committee should make it clear that our Party is a proletarian party and must not waver on the issue of exploitation.

After he said this, the meeting, which had originally had a good atmosphere, fell into solemnity again.

Because this is a public case.

After the National Rural Conference, serious differences arose between the Central Committee and the Northeast Bureau. This was particularly true on the question of whether Party members could engage in exploitation. The disagreement between the two sides was particularly severe. It was so serious.

At the financial and economic meeting chaired by Comrade Xiuyang, Zhang Xiushan, a member of the Standing Committee of the Northeast Bureau, even slammed the table.

Comrade Xiuyang criticized the Northeast Bureau for its "dogmatism" and "Left" errors in economic work. This dogmatism was a criticism of the Bureau's one-size-fits-all approach to rich peasant Party members, which even led to the expulsion of some. He argued that the "Party members cannot exploit" principle was a form of dogmatism. Comrade Xiuyang believed that the current priority was to develop production, and that Party members should take the lead and not be afraid of hiring laborers or becoming rich peasants.

As for the "left" mistakes, Comrade Xiuyang criticized the Northeast Bureau's urban transformation.

Gao Gang's approach in Northeast China was to directly nationalize the industrial and mining enterprises left by the Japanese puppet regime in Manchukuo, restricting, utilizing, and transforming the private capital economy. However, Comrade Xiuyang believed that Gao Gang's approach affected the development of the private economy in Northeast China and was not in line with the economy of the New Democratic stage.

Zhang Xiushan is also a cadre from northern Shaanxi.

This was a cadre who had led troops in battle. Gao Gang's aggressive style of work in the Northeast was so strong that even Lin Feng avoided his edge. However, Zhang Xiushan dared to refute Gao Gang's existence to his face. Even on the issue of the "rich peasant party," Zhang Xiushan opposed Gao Gang's one-size-fits-all approach, leading to a heated argument between the two at a Northeast Bureau meeting. Ultimately, Zhang Xiushan accepted Gao Gang's opinion, believing that Party members should not engage in "exploitation" at this stage.

As a result, Zhang Xiushan brought her temper to the meeting and even slammed the table in front of Comrade Xiuyang.

I think this criticism is excessive.

No one expected that Gao Gang would bring this work-related disagreement to the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

"Comrade Gao Gang, these specific issues should be resolved at future work meetings.

Peng Zhen was very dissatisfied with Gao Gang's attack at the party meeting.

Everyone is looking forward to the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

Because the victory of the revolution is approaching.

The Seventh National Congress, for example, took place near the end of the War of Resistance. Besides formulating policy, the final meeting was also a time for the participants to sit down and share the spoils. The election of Central Committee members and alternate members at the Seventh National Congress was largely a recognition of the achievements of the War of Resistance.

The Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee was no exception.

In addition to formulating the next work of the Party, this will also be a meeting to share the fruits of its labor.

Gao Gang suddenly intervened, throwing a perfectly normal meeting into disarray. Peng Zhen even glanced at Chen Yun, worried that he might be behind this. Within the current Central Committee, Chen Yun is a member of the Politburo, an alternate member of the Secretariat, and the head of the Finance and Economics Committee. Besides the five secretaries, Chen Yun holds the highest position in the Central Committee. Furthermore, the Party's focus is shifting to economic development, and Chen Yun is one of the most outstanding cadres in this area. Could he be harboring some inappropriate thoughts?

But what Peng Zhen said immediately angered someone.

"Comrade Peng Zhen, everyone can speak freely at Party meetings. This is the right the Party gives us. We should speak truthfully and reflect problems based on facts. This is what Communists should do, not avoid contradictions, evade discussion, or confuse them. Comrade Zhen also made mistakes in the Northeast. Comrade Xiuyang's letter simply urged us to maintain unity and contained no criticism. This is typical sectarianism. The Northeast Bureau simply hopes that the Central Committee can clarify its position on the issue of exploitation and that certain comrades will not waver in their faith in the Communist Party. Why, Comrade Peng Zhen, should you prevent comrades from speaking?"

What Zhang Wentian said was earth-shattering.

Wei Hongjun was also very shocked.

Wei Hongjun wasn't familiar with Zhang Wentian, but he knew he was known as a "Party theorist" and was usually quite elegant. Who could have imagined Zhang Wentian could be so unyielding, and not at all concerned about the situation?

And it was said very seriously.

Even more serious than Gao Gang. Although Gao Gang was angry, he also knew what kind of meeting it was, so he did not criticize anyone by name.

However, Zhang Wentian directly criticized Comrade Xiuyang for engaging in "sectarianism."

Of course, Zhang Wentian's dissatisfaction wasn't new. Gao Gang, Zhang Wentian, and even Marshal Lin had significant disagreements and conflicts over their work with Peng Zhen in the Northeast. At one point, they even stopped meeting, each focusing on their own work. The depth of these conflicts alarmed the Central Committee several times. However, each time the Central Committee responded, it urged the Northeast Bureau to maintain unity. Other issues were avoided. This was completely contrary to what Gao Gang and Zhang Wentian wanted.

Especially regarding the issue of Peng Zhen, Comrade Xiuyang always avoided it and never criticized it.

It just so happened that the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee was held.

Zhang Wentian vented his dissatisfaction and directly criticized Comrade Xiuyang for engaging in "sectarianism."

It's no wonder Zhang Wentian's official career declined. He was a core leader in the Central Soviet Area, became a Party leader after the Zunyi Conference, and once again a core leader in Yan'an. By the Seventh National Congress, he was only a member of the Politburo, and by the Eighth, an alternate member.

This kind of temper shows no political wisdom at all.

Very bookish.

After all, the structure of the five top secretaries of the Communist Party of China has already been established. And in recent years, the five secretaries have worked together in perfect harmony. Even if Comrade Xiuyang has made some mistakes, overall he remains an exceptional leader.

In the past few years, I have been in charge of central government work and have achieved outstanding results. My ability has been recognized by many cadres.

The Chairman's report has made it clear that the Party's next task will be to shift from military struggle to economic construction, and from the countryside to the cities.

Among the five secretaries, Comrade Xiuyang was the cadre with primary responsibility for economic development. This means that the importance of Comrade Xiuyang among the five secretaries will be further strengthened.

At this time, Zhang Wentian's criticism of Comrade Xiuyang at a Party meeting—and not just any meeting, but a national conference attended by members and alternate members of the Central Committee, as well as key officials from various local Central Bureaus—was truly unwise. Of course, Zhang Wentian's criticism was unwise, and Comrade Xiuyang's prestige suffered a significant blow.

Now everyone looks even more beautiful.

Chen Yun was fidgeting.

Peng Zhen, Gao Gang and Zhang Wentian are all cadres from the Northeast Bureau.

Moreover, when they were in Northeast China, Chen Yun was closer to Gao Gang and Zhang Wentian. Now, the gazes of many people made Chen Yun realize that he was being framed.

Therefore, Chen Yun said: "Whether Party members can exploit others is indeed a new issue that needs to be resolved. In principle, Party members should not exploit others, because this goes against the purpose of our revolution. But the current situation is that our revolution has not yet been victorious, and the war in the country has not ended. The problems in many newly liberated areas are even more serious. China is currently in the stage of the New Democratic Revolution, so the situation is complicated. The Central Committee can hold a special discussion on this issue."

After Chen Yun finished speaking, Peng Zhen, Gao Gang, and Zhang Wentian were all dissatisfied, because it made no difference whether he said it or not, as there was no clear position at all.

So they immediately turned their gaze away from Chen Yun. Furthermore, the three of them were used to it. Back in the Northeast Bureau, whenever Gao Gang and Peng Zhen had a disagreement, Chen Yun would always do the same thing, not giving a clear judgment.

Wei Hongjun saw that the issue between Comrade Xiuyang and the Northeast Bureau regarding the "Rich Peasant Party" had reached such a sharp point, and he understood that big problems would definitely arise between them in the future.

In fact, Wei Hongjun had raised the issue of the "rich peasant party" as early as the early days of land reform. However, it was clear that with the victory of the revolution imminent, the differences among the people regarding economic development could not be bridged with just a few words.

Comrade Xiuyang has his own political ideas, and Gao Gang and others in the Northeast Bureau also have their own ideas.

None of them wanted to take a step back.

This was far more than a simple "rich peasant party" issue. It involved a whole series of subsequent economic policies. Both Comrade Xiuyang and Comrade Gao Gang had their own political philosophies and political missions, so neither wanted to back down on this issue. Their debate wasn't about arguing for face, but rather because the subsequent series of economic policies were inextricably linked to the stance of the "rich peasant party."

Comrade Xiuyang favored prioritizing the development of agriculture and light industry, believing that China was currently in the stage of a new democratic society. Comrade Gao Gang supported prioritizing the development of heavy industry, citing the Soviet Union's rapid transformation from an agricultural to an industrial nation. These economic policies were inseparable from the support of rural economic policies. This, in turn, was a question of policy direction.

In wartime, how to assess enemy and friendly forces and how to fight are questions of policy. Choosing economic policies in peacetime is also a question of policy. The conflict between Comrade Xiuyang and Comrade Gao Gang involves some personal grudges and perhaps a struggle for power, but more importantly, it concerns the policy of economic development. This is why neither of them is willing to back down.

Because if they take a step back on this issue, they will have to abandon their respective economic policies.

Therefore, regarding the issue of the "rich peasant party", it was not enough for the two sides to engage in a war of words in the air, and they had another sharp confrontation at the party meeting.

Wei Hongjun was helpless.

Wei Hongjun never expected that such a thing would happen at the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

In the current situation, speaking up would seem like colluding with Gao Gang to squeeze Comrade Xiuyang. While the Central China Bureau appears to be the strongest, the true strength lies with the Northeast and North China Bureaus. The Central China Bureau is currently a hodgepodge, divided between the Central China Bureau's direct control, the South China Branch, and the Southeast Branch. Precisely because the Northeast and North China Bureaus are so powerful, and have been collaborating frequently recently, Wei Hongjun must avoid suspicion. If Wei Hongjun and Gao Gang were to interact closely, it would easily lead to the perception of a Northeast and North China Bureau alliance. However, Wei Hongjun knew that there were certain matters of principle that absolutely could not be compromised, and he would still speak out when necessary.

In the early days of the People's Republic of China, heavy industry was essential. This was a necessary step for an agricultural nation to become an industrial power. Furthermore, as a major country, China needed to have its own defense industry. However, the development of the defense industry was inseparable from the development of heavy industry. Of course, China couldn't follow the Soviet Union's obsession with heavy industry. In the early days of developing heavy industry, without capital accumulation, the People's Republic of China had to unite urban and rural areas and mobilize everyone to participate in the construction of the new China. With the country being extremely poor, how could it mobilize the people to contribute financially and physically to the construction of the new China? Material rewards were a rarity in the People's Republic of China, so it could only rely on spiritual rewards.

But how can you achieve spiritual rewards?

The people aren't fools. They'll follow you just by shouting a few slogans. Wei Hongjun, a cadre who had personally experienced the construction of the base area, understood better than anyone that if you want to convince the people, you have to do well yourself.

Party members and cadres must lead by example. They must use their actions to show the people that the Party members and cadres of New China are not the oppressive masters of the past. They must ensure that the people receive the respect they have never received from Party members and cadres.

Only in this way will they be willing to contribute to the new China even when material rewards are insufficient.

However, as Comrade Xiuyang has argued, Party members and cadres should be allowed to enrich themselves, hire laborers, and become rich peasants. This is how the rural economy will develop. From the perspective of one or two rural areas, Comrade Xiuyang's view is correct. However, from the perspective of the broader national direction, Wei Hongjun disagrees.

Party members and cadres already have political "privileges." If they were allowed to become rich peasants and hire people to work for them, then within a short period of time, most of the rich peasants in the countryside would probably be party members and cadres. This is because they have power.

But if this happens, how will the people view New China?

What difference would there be between the Party organizations of the new China and the old masters? In a word, if people's hearts were scattered, what would become of the new China? The focus would be on developing industry. Therefore, Wei Hongjun absolutely could not agree with Comrade Xiuyang's proposal for a "rich peasant party."

This also applies to vigorously developing the private economy.

It's not that Wei Hongjun didn't want to do so, but rather that it simply wasn't appropriate at the current stage. For the first ten or twenty years of the People's Republic of China, the development of the private economy had to be restricted. This truly violated the so-called laws of economics.

But there is no way around it.

Everyone has selfish desires.

Once this private economy is expanded, it will be impossible to get everyone to cooperate again and develop national industry. Only when national industry has a certain foundation can the private economy be gradually liberalized.

The cadres from the North China Bureau were all looking at Wei Hongjun.

So Wei Hongjun also prepared to speak and express his views.

But just as Wei Hongjun was about to speak, Zhou Bin beside him pulled Wei Hongjun and shook his head at him.

At this time, the Chairman said, "We are a proletarian party. Our Party members and cadres must absolutely not confuse this point. Party members and cadres cannot take the lead in becoming exploiters. This is the bottom line. If some comrades in the Central Committee have wavered in this regard, they should reflect on it. As for specific economic policy issues, a special economic work conference can be held to discuss them."

The chairman spoke and set the tone.

The issue of exploitation is a matter of principle and cannot be confused. This was considered support for Gao Gang and the Northeast Bureau, and a criticism of Comrade Xiuyang's views. However, this was a Party meeting, and the economic policy issue should be placed at the Economic Work Conference. This was a warning to Gao Gang not to continue this topic at this meeting.

The Chairman had to speak.