Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Then comes the training of revolutionary cadres.

The PLA should be viewed as a school for training cadres and a work force.

Next comes the strategic shift in the focus of the Party’s work.

From the failure of the Great Revolution in 1927 until the present day, due to the enemy's strength and our weakness, the Party's focus has been on the countryside. The Party has focused on gathering strength in the countryside, carrying out armed struggle there, mobilizing the peasants to carry out the Agrarian Revolution, establishing revolutionary bases, and preparing for the conquest of the cities. History has proven this policy to be absolutely necessary, entirely correct, and completely successful. However, with the changing revolutionary situation and the fundamental shift in the strength of both sides, the continued use of the method of surrounding the cities from the countryside is no longer suitable. The Party's focus should shift from the countryside to the cities, implementing a method of leading the countryside from the cities. However, this does not mean abandoning the countryside and focusing solely on the cities. Instead, both urban and rural areas should be considered, closely integrating urban and rural work, workers and peasants, and industry and agriculture. However, the Party's focus must remain in the cities.

The Party must make great efforts to learn how to manage and build cities. In leading urban work, the Party must rely wholeheartedly on the working class, recruit large numbers of workers into the Party, unite with other working people, win over intellectuals, and win over as many national bourgeoisie and their representatives as possible who are willing to cooperate with the CPC, so as to wage political, economic, and cultural struggles against the imperialists, the Kuomintang ruling clique, and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, as well as diplomatic struggles against the imperialists.

Next came the Party's basic national policy. After the nationwide victory of the Chinese revolution, production must be rapidly restored and developed to combat foreign imperialism, steadily transforming China from an agricultural country into an industrial one, and from a new-democratic state into a socialist one. To this end, the plenary session formulated the Party's principles and policies in the political, economic, and diplomatic fields.

Politically, after the victory of the revolution, two basic contradictions still exist in China. The first is domestic, namely, the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. The second is external, namely, the contradiction between China and the imperialist countries. Therefore, we must consolidate and strengthen the people's democratic dictatorship led by the proletariat and based on the worker-peasant alliance, and strengthen the state system of the people's republic led by the proletariat.

Economically, it was believed that the new China would be a mixture of state-owned enterprises, cooperatives, private capitalism, individual economy, and state capitalism. However, there were huge differences of opinion at the meeting regarding the future economic policy.

In foreign affairs, the CCP must pursue an independent and self-reliant path. It must not recognize the legal status of any foreign diplomatic institutions or personnel from the Kuomintang era, nor the continued existence of any traitorous treaties from the Kuomintang era. It must abolish all propaganda agencies run by imperialists in China, immediately control foreign trade, and reform the customs system. This was also the first time the CCP clarified its foreign policy at a national congress.

However, at the meeting, a distinction was made between the Soviet Union and Western imperialism.

Wu Hao's visit to the Soviet Union was generally successful. China and the Soviet Union reached a total of three loan agreements: one for the purchase of old machinery, one for the purchase of old weapons and Soviet assistance in building up China's air force, navy, and armored forces, and the final loan for Soviet assistance in building fourteen factories. The total loan value exceeded 600 million rubles.

The conference delegates agreed on the general policy.

Then we discussed some specific things.

Various disagreements began to emerge.

Chapter 753: Regularization of various policies

“Party meetings must be formalized.”

The Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee had been long in the making, but the sudden conflict between China and the United States in Qingdao forced the central government to focus on the war, thus delaying it until now. Therefore, local cadres had been preparing for this meeting for a long time.

Everyone knows that this meeting was the most important before the founding of the People's Republic of China. It is like the scholars in ancient times who wanted to pass the imperial examinations and then realize their political ambitions.

Now the new China is about to be established.

Whether they were central or local cadres, besides the implicit desire for promotion, they all had their own political ideals and wanted to realize their political ambitions in New China.

Because there was ample time, everyone was prepared to present their views at this meeting. The Chairman's report set the general direction and outlined the Party's guiding spirit. After everyone discussed the Chairman's report, the main agenda of the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee had essentially concluded. The primary purpose of this meeting was to set the direction for future work.

The remaining time was used to discuss specific proposals from certain representatives.

Ren Peiguo presented a proposal on behalf of the Party's organizational work. This proposal was actually put forward by the North China Bureau. In preparation for the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, each local bureau held discussions in small groups.

The North China Bureau has been promoting standardization in all aspects.

Various rules and regulations must be clearly formulated.

Marshal Nie and Dong Biwu both supported it.

After the group discussion, some of the proposals were made by the North China Bureau cadres themselves at the meeting, while others needed to be discussed with the central leadership. Ren Peiguo was very interested in the suggestions made by the North China Bureau.

After discussing with Marshal Nie, it was finally proposed at this meeting.

"During the war years, many of our party meetings could not be held normally. Since our party was founded, the timing of party meetings has always been rather irregular. The first, second, and third party congresses were all held once a year.

The next four and five major ones were separated by two years, and the six major ones were separated by another year.

The subsequent Seventh National Congress took place over a decade later. Three years separated the convening of the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee and the Seventh National Congress. This was a choice made out of necessity. But now the situation has changed, and the success of the national revolution is imminent. I believe the factors that previously prevented us from holding regular meetings have disappeared. Therefore, our Party Central Committee meetings should be regularized and fixed in time.

"I propose that the National Party Congress should be held every five years. And within those five years, the Party Central Committee should hold a meeting every year. Just like this year's Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, next year's Third Session, the year after that, the Fourth Session, and the year after that, the Fifth Session. Then, we'll hold the Eighth National Congress, and continue this pattern with the Second, Third, and Fifth Sessions of the Eighth Central Committee, followed by the Ninth National Congress."

"At each annual meeting, we review the year's work, summarizing both achievements and mistakes. We make minor adjustments based on the circumstances. Then, every five years, we review our policies and adjust our party's strategy.

The formalization of party meetings is not a big problem.

In the eyes of many cadres, it is just a formality.

No one cares.

But Wei Hongjun attaches great importance to this.

Historically, China seized the opportunity presented by the Berlin Crisis to launch three major campaigns. Later, during the Battle of Crossing the Yangtze River, both the US and the Soviet Union attempted to prevent the PLA from crossing. This led to a surge of urgency in many areas, including the founding of the People's Republic of China.

Furthermore, the CCP was formed through warfare, and while many of its members are highly educated, after years of war, they are still not very accustomed to formalization. Therefore, in many aspects, it is essentially a makeshift team.

The National Congress of the Party was also held in a rather casual manner.

For example, there was a thirteen-year gap between the Eighth and Ninth Congresses. There were four years between the Ninth and Tenth Congresses, and between the Tenth and Eleventh Congresses. Without a unified timetable, meetings become so arbitrary.

This is not a good thing.

Only regularization can provide more constraints.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, there were numerous internal disputes within the Party, many of which were life-or-death struggles, making them difficult to avoid. Although the CCP is a political party, its membership is actually quite complex. Some truly believed in Marxism and were members who shared the CCP's faith. Others simply chose Marxism as a path to saving the nation and its people, believing it could save China. However, these individuals were not true Marxists, believing in Marxism. They chose Marxism because they were drawn to its appeal among young people, the success of the Soviet Union, and the discipline of Marxist parties. Their aspiration was not to become Marxists themselves, but to use Marxism to help China achieve national and ethnic independence.

Especially during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, when the CCP was growing rapidly, many party members and cadres who joined the CCP and the Eighth Route Army were not Marxists. They were more nationalists who chose to join the CCP and the Eighth Route Army simply to fight against the Japanese invaders.

This makes the internal thinking quite confusing.

During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the War of Liberation, we were comrades-in-arms. We were even comrades-in-arms to whom we could trust our lives. But after the founding of the People's Republic of China, a huge deviation occurred in our approach to the construction of the new China.

This will cause routing problems.

These issues of direction, coupled with problems of factions and cliques, eventually evolved into very serious, even life-and-death struggles.

It is impossible to avoid it, but Wei Hongjun is very willing to minimize the impact of the internal struggle.

If you want to reduce the aftereffects of conflicts, the best way is to formalize all aspects.

There must be certain rules.

That's why Wei Hongjun proposed this idea during the North China group discussion. Marshal Nie and Dong Biwu both supported it, and Bo Shuchun also considered it a good idea. Now, Ren Peiguo, one of the five secretaries, formally proposed it at the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee.

The quantity is different.

Plus, people don’t really care about this.

After all, it didn't affect everyone's interests. It was just a matter of rescheduling meetings. So the issue was quickly passed. The meeting agreed to hold a National Congress of the Communist Party of China every five years, deciding to hold the Eighth Congress in 1952.

After Ren Peiguo, Dong Biwu said, "The retirement policy for party members and cadres also needs to be formalized."

"We Communists are not Li Zicheng. We cannot dream of conquering the world and ruling it. Like feudal dynasties, meritorious officials who conquered the country were granted titles of nobility, and the titles were then passed down from generation to generation. This is not what we Communists should do. We are a political party that fights for the poor people of the world, not feudal peasant leaders who fight for their own enjoyment. Therefore, our party members and cadres must be able to move up and down, and there must be a comprehensive retirement system. When they reach a certain age, they must accept their age and retire, and they must not cling to power."

"Party members and cadres below the provincial level should retire at age 60. Cadres above the provincial level can retire at age 65, and those in central leadership positions can retire at age 70. For those in the Secretariat, retirement can be extended to age 75.

The party's meeting system and retirement system.

These are the two proposals that Wei Hongjun most supports.

However, implementing a retirement system is not easy. Only a cadre of Dong Biwu's seniority and rank could propose it. Dong Biwu was a delegate to the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China, a founder of the Hubei Party organization, and a current member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.

Moreover, among the current central leadership, he, like the commander-in-chief, is among the oldest.

The Commander-in-Chief and Dong Biwu are both 62 years old this year.

Dong Biwu’s proposal for a retirement system was the most frank.

This proposal is taken more seriously than the formalization of Party meetings. This is because formalizing Party meetings won't directly affect everyone's interests, but the retirement system does.

Most of the party members and cadres who attended the meeting this time were not in a hurry.

After all, most people are still relatively young. Plus, they're either leaders in the central government or candidates for future leadership. According to Dong Biwu's proposal, the retirement age could be 70.

It’s still early to be seventy.

But that doesn't mean they don't have other considerations.

After all, those who were able to come here were all cadres with their own base. They also had a group of long-time colleagues and subordinates under them, many of whom were already in their fifties.

If cadres below the provincial level can only work until they are 60 years old.

Ten years from now, quite a few cadres will be retiring. To put it bluntly, they've all worked tirelessly to finally see the founding of New China. But if you ask them to retire after just ten days of work, isn't that depriving them of their "revolutionary" credentials? Many would still be willing to fight for a few more years of "revolution." But no one dared to voice opposition to this proposal. Dong Biwu had simply blocked everyone's path back. He said CCP members shouldn't cling to power.

Even if someone disagrees, no one dares to say that they are clinging to power in such a meeting.

Of course there are those who oppose and those who support.

This is especially true for some units in the second echelon. Among the current Politburo members, the Commander-in-Chief, Dong Biwu, and Lin Boqu are all 62 years old, making them relatively old. In contrast, the second echelon boasts many young cadres in their 50s or even 40s.

If the person in front retires, then the person behind will have a chance to move up.

But no one expressed their opinion.

Because Dong Biwu's proposal also included cadres at the level of Secretariat Secretary. The Secretariat Secretary, later known as the Politburo Standing Committee, is the true leader of the Party and the country.

Dong Biwu’s retirement age also includes them.

It's quite sensitive.

At this time, the Chairman put out the cigarette in his hand and said, "What Elder Dong said is very insightful. Our revolution requires a combination of old and new. The old cadres should protect the young cadres, and the young cadres should carry the revolutionary banner and move forward to become the successors of the revolution. The old cadres cannot cling to power and prevent the young cadres from taking the position. Otherwise, we will become a feudal dynasty. We are a revolutionary party and must be able to rise and fall, to advance and retreat. When we get older, our energy and thinking will not keep up. When the time comes, we must retire, and I am no exception.

In fact, according to the retirement age of 75, the Chairman’s age is still early.

The Chairman is not yet fifty-five years old and still has twenty years to go before he turns seventy-five.

However, the Chairman supported Dong Biwu's proposal. He had even begun to consider the issue of a successor. Comrade Xiuyang's status had risen rapidly at the Seventh Congress, almost reaching the position of successor.

But the age difference between the Chairman and Comrade Xiuyang is only about five years.

Therefore, the Chairman was also exploring among young cadres for potential successors. Historically, the Chairman's preferred candidate was Deng Xixian. Deng Xixian was eleven years younger than the Chairman, only in his forties, yet possessed extensive experience and demonstrated strong performance.

Moreover, the Chairman has always had a kind of friendship with Deng Xixian.

After all, back in the Soviet areas, Deng, Mao, Xie, and Gu were the Chairman's "Four Heavenly Kings." They endured immense pressure, yet none of them ultimately accused the Chairman of being the leader of an anti-Party organization. If even one of them had failed to withstand the pressure, the Chairman's situation would have become extremely difficult.

Among the four people of "Deng, Mao, Xie and Gu", the only one alive is Deng Xixian.

Therefore, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, Deng Xixian was also trained as a successor. Among the "Five Horses" who came to Beijing, Gao Gang seemed to have the most glory, but it was Deng Xixian who really stepped into the decision-making field.

After the Chairman said this, everyone felt relieved.

The commander-in-chief said, "In fact, the military should also have a retirement policy in this regard. As you age, it becomes increasingly difficult to command troops on the front lines. Especially at the grassroots level, some commanders are aging and their health is failing. These cadres should either be transferred to local areas or have a clear retirement system."

"The boss's suggestion is good."

The chairman nodded.

After the Chairman and the Commander-in-Chief finished speaking, everyone began to express their opinions. Marshal Nie said, "Now that our revolution is on the road to victory, cadres are needed everywhere. It seems that we have a serious shortage of cadres. However, ten or twenty years from now, the number of cadres we need will not change much. But we will continue to train new cadres. We only need so many cadres, and there are only so many positions. If veteran comrades don't step down, how will young cadres get a chance? If the transition between the old and the new is not done well, how can the revolutionary work continue? Therefore, it is necessary to establish a comprehensive system for the transition between the old and the new.

It has not directly affected my own interests.

Therefore, there is not much opposition.

This is why Wei Hongjun attached so much importance to the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee. After the founding of New China, these founding heroes of New China would occupy local positions or control certain departments, and by then, each of them would be a powerful leader.

The conflict of interest will be very serious.