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Second, revenge can still be achieved in a hundred generations

Regarding the time of revenge, we often say "A gentleman's revenge is never too late, even after ten years". However, the Gongyang School believes that "even after a hundred generations". During the Spring and Autumn Period, Duke Xiang of Qi was licentious and immoral. He had an affair with his sister Wen Jiang and killed his brother-in-law Duke Huan of Lu.

But the ancestor of Qi, Duke Ai of Qi, was also framed and killed by the ancestors of other countries. 90 years later, Duke Xiang of Qin destroyed Jin and avenged the 90-year-old vengeance. This act was called "righteousness" by Gongyang Zhuan.

When Emperor Wu of Han attacked the Xiongnu, he also quoted the "Spring and Autumn Annals" and issued an edict saying: "Emperor Gaozu suffered the siege of Baideng, and Empress Lü suffered the humiliation of Maodun." This means that it is a just act to avenge Emperor Gaozu's siege of Baideng and Empress Lü's humiliation by Maodun. In history, some countries not only committed heinous crimes, but also showed no remorse, so revenge is in line with justice. Therefore, revenge can be taken even after a hundred generations.

At first glance, "Revenge can be taken a hundred generations later" seems to be an almost hysterical admiration for bloody vendettas, but in fact, it is a way for Gongyang Zhuan to pursue justice and order.

Third, revenge does not eliminate harm.

We often say "when will revenge end?" Doesn't the Gongyang School encourage revenge? Actually, it is not. The Gongyang School has strict restrictions and regulations on revenge.

First, the Gongyang School emphasizes the justice of revenge. The Gongyang Commentary says: "If the father is not executed, the son can take revenge." If the father is killed innocently, it is okay for the son to take revenge; but if the father is killed guilty, the son's revenge will lead to endless revenge, which is not allowed. This is why revenge must be based on justice.

Secondly, if the invader uses this as an excuse to try to revive, it is illegal. This is consistent with the Gongyang School's pursuit of social order. The Gongyang Commentary also clearly states that "revenge does not eliminate harm", that is, the object of revenge can only be limited to the enemy itself, and the object of revenge cannot be expanded, and it cannot be killed. The subject of revenge can only be the son of the victim. Friends can help, but they cannot get ahead of the avenger. Confucius also said: "If you can't do it for the master, you should take up arms and follow him."

Finally, the Gongyang Commentary particularly emphasizes that this kind of revenge must be carried out in a state of "no emperor above and no governor below", that is, when social order is chaotic and justice cannot be upheld, and only then is it encouraged to use extreme means to seek justice and give the guilty the punishment they deserve. However, if social order is normal and there is an emperor, justice should be upheld through proper means and this kind of revenge should not be carried out.

It is precisely the formulation of various norms for revenge that prevents the expansion and excessiveness of revenge. Therefore, the revenge advocated by the Gongyang School is not extreme, but bloody, which is what the Chinese people value in "distinguishing between gratitude and resentment."

Fourth, the minister can take revenge on the king

The most unique aspect of the revenge theory in Gongyang Zhuan is that it advocates that a minister can take revenge on his ruler. The relationship between the ruler and the minister advocated by Gongyang Zhuan is actually two-way, because it upholds the concept of "the ruler and the minister are united by righteousness".

Nowadays, more and more leaders and companies like to suppress employees with the argument of gratitude, but they think that employees have no conscience. Mencius once said: "If the king treats his subjects as his own hands and feet, then the subjects will treat the king as their own heart; if the king treats his subjects as dogs and horses, then the subjects will treat the king as their fellow countrymen; if the king treats his subjects as dirt, then the subjects will treat the king as an enemy.

"The relationship between the ruler and his subjects, and between leaders and subordinates, is all based on righteousness. Since it can be formed, it can certainly be dissolved. If the ruler is unrighteous, the relationship between the ruler and his subjects will be dissolved.

If a minister has a grudge, he can seek revenge on the monarch, which means that the minister is given the right to legally kill the monarch under certain circumstances.

If a ruler kills his subjects without any guilt, then he is a tyrant and incompetent ruler. Killing such a tyrant and incompetent ruler is not only not considered regicide, but even eliminates harm for the people. Mencius also said: "A cruel and evil person is called a 'one man'. We have heard of the execution of the one man Zhou, but we have never heard of regicide."

In reality, if a company harms its employees, it is natural and reasonable for the employees to retaliate, and there is no need to pay attention to the so-called moral kidnapping.

The decline of the Gongyang School

Looking at the development of the Gongyang School, after the fall of the Eastern Han Dynasty, the bureaucratic class further solidified, eventually forming a situation where "there are no commoners in the upper class, and no aristocrats in the lower class."

At this time, the idea of ​​great revenge advocated by the Gongyang School seemed rather annoying. The people in power hoped that the lower classes would be ruled submissively, but the ideas of the Gongyang School seemed too radical and difficult to be accepted.

Therefore, the Gongyang School was gradually abandoned, and Confucius' original "benevolence" and "propriety" were advocated, using the system of "rulers are rulers, ministers are ministers, fathers are fathers, sons are sons" to maintain class rule. The Gongyang School naturally declined and became an outlier.

[Read all the historical facts about Li Guangli, the most useless general in the Western Han Dynasty, in one go]

He was the most incompetent general of the Western Han Dynasty, yet was entrusted with important tasks by Emperor Wu of Han; he was also a traitor who betrayed his country and surrendered to the enemy, causing heavy losses to the elite Han army.

He was once considered the successor of Wei Qing or Huo Qubing, but ended up being a laughing stock. In this video, let's talk about "Second General" Li Guangli.

Speaking of Li Guangli, as a famous "Second General" in history, he used his life to tell future generations a truth: A person who is unable to be helped really cannot be helped.

Li Guangli was once trained as the successor of Wei Qing and Huo Qubing during the reign of Emperor Wu of Han. He was born in a poor family with a humble background, which was similar to Wei Qing and Huo Qubing.

Not only that, Li Guangli also had the status of a relative by marriage because his sister Lady Li was favored by Emperor Wu of Han. Although Li Guangli had the same relative by marriage background as Wei Qing and Huo Qubing, he was mediocre and incompetent.

In history, Li Guangli was unknown in his early years, and there is no record of what he did or what he experienced in history books. Although Emperor Wu of Han was a great ruler who used people in a flexible way, he was very confused and incompetent in his later years.

What is quite surprising is that Emperor Wu of Han actually gave the task of expedition to Dayuan to Li Guangli, who had never been on the battlefield.

In 104 BC, Emperor Wu of Han appointed Li Guangli as a general, leading 6000 cavalry and tens of thousands of infantry to attack Dayuan and seize the Ferghana horses, so he was called "General Ershi".

But judging from his record and abilities, it seems more appropriate to call him a "stupid general".

Under the leadership of Li Guangli, when the army arrived at the destination, only a few thousand soldiers were left out of tens of thousands, and the first battle was a great defeat with heavy casualties. Facing the defeat, Li Guangli attributed the reasons to hunger and insufficient manpower, defended himself, and requested to return to the court.

When Emperor Wu of Han heard the news that Li Guangli was defeated and requested to retreat, he was very angry and sent someone on horseback to tell Li Guangli: "Anyone who dares to enter Yumen Pass will be killed without mercy!" Faced with the defeat, the ministers insisted on abandoning the expedition to Dayuan, but Emperor Wu of Han was too concerned about his reputation and insisted on going his own way.

Facing Dayuan, which had only a few hundred thousand people, Emperor Wu of Han once again mobilized the entire country and sent Li Guangli to fight. Although the second expedition ended with the victory of the Han army, it was a bitter victory at an astonishing cost.

Li Guangli condoned his officials to abuse soldiers. Since most of the soldiers came from the bottom of society, they were exploited and persecuted by officials at all levels. Even though there was no shortage of food, tens of thousands of people were still left dead in the wild.

During the two expeditions to Dayuan, the death toll of the Han army was estimated to be around 10, most of which were non-combat deaths. For this, Li Guangli had an unshirkable responsibility. The corpses of 10 Han soldiers paved the way for Li Guangli's bright future.

In the Korean War, Li Guangli was executed despite his great contributions. In contrast, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing were granted titles of nobility despite their great contributions. This difference shows that Emperor Wu of Han appointed people based on personal connections and rewarded and punished people based entirely on his own preferences.

After returning home in triumph, Li Guangli was not criticized by Emperor Wu of Han, but was also granted the title of Marquis of Haixi. Although Li Guangli's first battle ended in failure, Emperor Wu of Han still had high hopes for him.

In the battle against the Huns, Emperor Wu of Han continued to entrust him with important tasks, but Li Guangli's performance was one tragic victory, one fruitless victory, and one tragic defeat. This record really makes it difficult to call him a famous general.

In 99 BC, Li Guangli led his troops out of Jiuquan to attack the Huns, killing more than 10 Hun prisoners. Although it seemed to be a considerable gain, the Han army suffered heavy casualties, with a mortality rate as high as 67% to %, which was basically "killing one thousand enemies and losing eight hundred of our own."

During this period, Li Guangli's army was besieged by the Xiongnu army and almost could not escape. Although this battle was won, it was a tragic victory.

In 97 BC, Li Guangli led his army out of Shuofang to attack the Xiongnu again, but returned without success. In 90 BC, Li Guangli led his army out of Wuyuan to attack the Xiongnu. In June of the same year, Li Guangli's wife and children were arrested and imprisoned for being implicated in Liu Quti's rebellion.

Li Guangli blindly advanced, betting the lives of tens of thousands of Han soldiers, trying to win by chance to atone for his sins, but ended up being defeated. All 7 elite Han soldiers were annihilated, and Li Guangli finally surrendered to the Xiongnu.

After Li Guangli surrendered, his entire family was killed. However, more than a year after his surrender, Li Guangli was also killed by the Xiongnu.

Throughout his life, Li Guangli was a man who was incapable but was pushed to a high position by mistake because of his status as a relative of the emperor. After he came to power, he was involved in court struggles for his own glory and wealth, which eventually led to his downfall.

As a relative of the emperor, he is far inferior to Wei Qing and Huo Qubing. It is really unworthy to call him a famous general.

Of course, if we really want to hold someone accountable, although on the surface Li Guangli was mediocre in talent, fundamentally speaking, Emperor Wu of Han was also to blame for his vanity and misuse of personnel in his later years.

[Read the true art of emperorship in one breath, a little historical knowledge of the Taoist Huang-Lao school in the Western Han Dynasty]

His is the only school among all the schools of thought that can be called "the art of emperors" and its influence is far-reaching.

He was also the master of metaphysics in the Taoist school that flourished twice, and stabilized the country. He was tolerant and inclusive, creating the grand occasion of "Huang Lao is the only one" that overwhelmed all other schools. In this video, let's talk about the real art of emperors - Huang Lao.

When it comes to Huang-Lao school of thought, "Huang" here refers to Huangdi, and "Lao" refers to Laozi. Huang-Lao school of thought began in the Warring States Period and flourished in the Western Han Dynasty. Sima Qian mentioned Huangdi and Laozi together in "Records of the Grand Historian", and his father Sima Tan himself was a believer in Huang-Lao school of thought.

Among the Taoists, the Huang-Lao and Lao-Zhuang schools have the greatest influence. Huang-Lao is different from Lao-Zhuang in that they avoid the world and live a carefree life. Instead, they intervene in worldly affairs and pursue practical application.

According to the most accurate historical data, the original "Taoism" actually refers to the Huang-Lao Taoism that was popular in the pre-Qin and Han dynasties. The use of Laozi and Zhuangzi did not begin during the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, but began with the Huainanzi, which was written in the early Western Han Dynasty a hundred years later.

It was not until the Wei and Jin Dynasties that the concept of Laozi and Zhuangzi became popular, as metaphysics flourished. Since ancient times, only the Huang-Lao school can be called the real "emperor's art". Ban Gu said in "Han Shu Yiwen Zhi": "The Taoist school originated from the historians, who experienced the ways of success and failure, survival and destruction, disaster and happiness in ancient and modern times. This is the art of the emperor sitting on the throne."

In traditional Chinese concepts, the emperor sits facing south, and his subjects sit facing north. The so-called "the art of sitting facing south" is the art of self-cultivation and state governance passed down by Taoist scholars from the Yellow Emperor era and Laozi's Taoist school, which is also called "the way of inner sage and outer king" by the Huang-Lao school.

This kind of knowledge is something that great people study in depth, but they never show it to others easily.

Huang-Lao school of thought, as the most characteristic political theory of Qi, advocated self-cultivation and governance. In Jixia Academy, Huang-Lao school of thought became a prominent school of thought twice.

In the middle and late Warring States period, it was the official academic discipline of the Tian Qi regime; in the early Western Han Dynasty, especially during the reigns of Emperor Wen and Emperor Jing, it became the mainstream ideology of the Western Han Dynasty and had a profound impact on its politics.

Historically, anyone who admired Laozi and Zhuangzi and Huang-Lao's teachings could be called a Taoist. The early Legalists and Huang-Lao schools were 80% similar and 20% interdependent, so the Legalists were also called "Huang-Lao's criminal law".

There were many Legalists in the ruling class who studied Huang-Lao, such as Shen Buhai, Li Si, Han Fei, etc., all of whom based their studies on Huang-Lao. However, the Huang-Lao school stood on the Taoist position and became the mainstream of Taoism, while the Legalists of later generations were more extreme and radical.

The prosperity of Huang-Lao school of thought benefited from the support and utilization of the feudal rulers of Qi State, the Tian family, which enabled it to occupy a dominant position in the Jixia Academy.

As the saying goes, "A person who steals a hook shall be executed, a person who steals a country shall be made a marquis." The Tian regime of Qi was a new regime that replaced the Jiang Qi regime. It needed to defend its legitimacy in order to consolidate its ruling position. So how was this doctrine established?

Laozi was from the State of Chen, and the ancestor of the Tian family, Tian Gongzi Lan, fled from the State of Chen to the State of Qi during the mid-Spring and Autumn Period to avoid chaos. Therefore, the Tian regime chose the teachings of Laozi from the State of Chen in the south, and at the same time brought up the legendary Yellow Emperor who was earlier than Yao, Shun, and Shennong.

On the one hand, this was to overwhelm Confucianism, Mohism and other schools of thought; more importantly, King Wei of Qi regarded Huangdi as the ancestor of the Tian family, which was a result of painstaking consideration.

Because the Tian family was a descendant of Huangdi, and the Jiang family was a descendant of Yandi, the legend that Huangdi defeated Yandi and ruled the world provided historical basis for the legitimacy of the Tian family replacing Qi.

The rulers of Qi also basically governed the country according to the Huang-Lao Taoist thought, and became one of the richest and most powerful countries among the seven major powers in the Warring States Period. "Chen Hou Yin Dun" records that King Wei of Qi wanted to carry forward the glorious tradition of his father Duke Huan and take Huangdi as his ancestor. In simple terms, this is similar to the behavior of later dynasties in randomly recognizing their ancestors.

Regarding the development of Huang-Lao philosophy, Guo Moruo once summarized that Huang-Lao philosophy was actually cultivated in Qi, developed in Qi, and flourished in Qi.

Huang-Lao school of thought, which originated in Qi State, not only became the official school of Jixia Academy, but also became a prominent school of thought at that time because of its knowledge of "governance". At that time, another Taoist saint Zhuangzi was still living in seclusion in Song State and had not yet made his debut.