It is Kokang and Changchun

　During this month, the North Korean Navy's greatest achievement was relying on the 022 missile boat to severely damage a Sejong the Great-class air defense destroyer of the South Korean puppet navy.

　If it wasn't the first time that North Korea encountered such a good boat, and the crew members' proficiency and coordination were not enough, otherwise the severely injured King Sejong would probably have become the missing king.

　On land, the number of regular troops of the North Korean Army is nearly twice that of the South Korean Puppet Army. Hundreds of thousands of young people have previously signed up to join the army, so North Korea does not have to worry about the problem of not filling the front line. Instead, it has to pay attention to whether the density of the troops on the front line is too high.

　The North Korean army has a large number of troops, but its equipment is not as good as that of the South Korean puppet army. In addition, it is the attacking party and is engaged in street fighting. In the past month of war, North Korea's casualties have been more than four times that of the South Korean puppet army.

　That being said, the outcome of a war cannot be determined solely by the casualties on both sides. If that were the case, and the Soviets lost more soldiers than the Germans on the Eastern Front in World War II, the Soviet Union would undoubtedly have been the defeated nation. (Laughs)

　The casualties in North Korea were significantly higher than those in the South, but the battle line was generally advancing bit by bit. At the beginning, North Korea concentrated its superior forces to attack Seoul, and captured the three cities of Paju, Goyang, and Gimpo along the way.

　This is the advantage of having troops on the front line. North Korea basically does not have to worry about being like the Russian army in the early stages of the Russo-Ukrainian War, where it rushed too hard and was surrounded due to insufficient troops to fill the line.

　After reaching the outskirts of Seoul, the North Korean offensive began to slow down. Seoul was, after all, the capital of the South, and it had not only garrison troops but also South Korean troops who had reacted and returned to defend it.

　The initial phase of the North Korean offensive did not cause significant casualties, with the vast majority of casualties being caused by air raids by the South Korean puppet air force. Most of the casualties suffered by the North Korean People's Army to date have been inflicted during the attack on Seoul.

　Street fighting has long been synonymous with minced meat.

　At the beginning, North Korea did not plan to use ship girls to fight, because Ulsan Chungmu had just surrendered not long ago. If they were asked to take up guns and kill their former people immediately, they would feel more or less guilty.

　As for Gangwon, he was busy with psychological counseling for Ulsan and Chungmu, so he was unable to participate in the battle.

　However, the casualty rate of the Seoul street fighting was slightly beyond the North Korean military's expectations. In order to reduce casualties and speed up the battle, North Korea planned to deploy ship girls in the battle.

　"With only three ship girls, can they really play a decisive role?" This is the question raised by some officers in the North Korean National Defense Commission.

　In addition, considering the psychology of Ulsan and Chungmu, the North Korean National Defense Commission does not plan to send ship girls to the front line, but to incorporate them into special forces for decapitation operations, and requires them to capture targets alive as much as possible instead of killing them on the spot.

　The Yoon Seok-yeol government ran too fast, and the North Korean ship girls' decapitation operation failed to catch them, but in subsequent operations, they took out several enemy battalion-level front-line headquarters, which greatly helped the friendly forces' advancement at the tactical level in Seoul.

　Historically, the Korean Peninsula had two most likely opportunities for unification, the first in the late 1940s and the second in the late 1970s.

　The failure to unify Korea on both occasions was largely due to the mischief of the United States. The 1950 Inchon Landing nearly ended the Korean Revolution, but this is well known and I won't elaborate on it.

　The second most likely time for unification was when North Korea relied on the CMEA system led by the Soviet Union to achieve rapid economic and industrialization. At the same time, the economy and politics of the South Korean puppet regime were in chaos, and the public opinion was becoming increasingly different.

　On October 26, 1979, Park Chung-hee was assassinated by Kim Jae-gyu, and Choi Kyu-ha became acting president. However, due to his own ability, he was unable to restrain the arrogant and powerful military generals, so he was gradually controlled by the military forces headed by Chun Doo-hwan.

　When the time was right, Chun Doo-hwan seized power and immediately imposed a nationwide military curfew. Politically, he arrested progressive figures on a large scale and economically relied on and supported the chaebols.

　This naturally caused strong dissatisfaction among the people.

　In April 1949, workers' movements and student protests broke out across South Korea. By mid-May, the Gwangju citizens' riots were the ultimate manifestation of the intensification of social contradictions in South Korea.

　The intensification of class and social contradictions in South Korea undoubtedly provided North Korea with the most favorable objective conditions for unification. North Korea also considered marching south to liberate the South Korean people oppressed by the chaebol and military government.

　But as early as the beginning of the large-scale demonstrations, the US military was already prepared to respond to North Korea's offensive, and it also openly warned North Korea in the international community many times not to act rashly.

　With the United States having made all the necessary preparations, North Korea had no choice but to abandon its plan to move south and could only watch helplessly as the progressive mass movement in the south was brutally suppressed.

　At present, the US-Deep Sea War (the war between the United States and the deep sea) has caused the US strategy to shrink drastically; the global strategy of acting as the world's policeman has suddenly retreated to focus on domestic defense, which is undoubtedly a godsend opportunity.

　South Korea's current internal affairs coincided with a president and government that unconditionally pro-Japanese, causing strong public discontent. Furthermore, a socialist revolution had broken out in Japan, and the Japanese government's Self-Defense Forces were exhausted from the civil war.

　This is the best time for North Korea to move south for the third time to unify. The longer unification is delayed, the more people will lose their confidence, and the more troubles will arise if unification is delayed.

　This is why North Korea is determined to move south and unify at this time, even though their weapons and equipment are relatively backward.

　On the issue of Korean reunification, the Soviet Union shared China's stance and firmly supported North Korea. It also provided North Korea with large quantities of crude oil for its industry and fuel for its military, as well as a batch of Soviet-era weapons as support.

　Both China and the Soviet Union provided aid to the Communist Party of North Korea and Japan, but the areas of assistance varied. China's aid to North Korea focused on industry, technology, and weapons, while the Soviet Union's aid focused on food, energy (excluding electricity), and mineral resources.

　China's aid to the Japanese Communist Party base was mainly in the form of interest-free loans and light industrial products or raw materials, while the Soviet Union's aid was mainly in the form of food, weapons, energy and mineral resources.

　In terms of providing weapons aid to the Japanese Communist Party, China came up with a very clever plan: it secretly communicated with the Soviet Union and first allowed the Soviet Union to use RMB to buy more Chinese foreign trade arms on the international arms market.

　Then they secretly contacted the Japanese Communist Party and asked it to use the interest-free loan (RMB) given to it to immediately buy the foreign trade arms that China had previously sold to the Soviet Union. Through this resale method, the arms reached the hands of the Japanese Communist Party.

　Compared with the Kansai Central Revolutionary Base, the situation in Fukushima was more difficult. Eve was worried about how to use her own ability to transport the weapons and ammunition, weapons and ammunition production equipment, weapons parts, etc. she bought in large quantities to Fukushima.

　It’s not that Eve can’t do it, but she won’t be able to explain how such a large amount of strategic materials were transported in when they were surrounded by the Self-Defense Forces.

　After learning of Eve's troubles, Ibaraki Huashan suggested to her: "How about this? You first put the weapons and production equipment you bought in Kansai, and I will find a way to properly send them to Fukushima."

　Soon after, the Revolutionary Army and the Shipgirls liberated the entire Hyogo Prefecture area, and the western part of Kinki (Kansai) was completely liberated. In order to support the eastern front, the Japanese Communist Party decided to suspend further advance in the west and transferred some Shipgirls to support the eastern front.

　Hyogo Prefecture is mostly mountainous, with few and scattered roads leading to various cities. Due to the presence of the shipgirls, the Self-Defense Forces only dared to attack along mountain roads or highways, not through wild mountainous areas.

　The reason the Self-Defense Forces are so cowardly is actually very simple: the only ones who can effectively cross mountains and hills in the wilderness are infantry on foot or light motorized vehicles. In the face of the firepower of the shipgirls, these two are simply free experience packs.

　Therefore, in the mountain defense battle, it is only necessary to guard the traffic points leading into the mountains. The Japanese Communist Party only needs to send some heavy cruiser ships to cooperate with the revolutionary army soldiers to fill the line and guard the highway intersections.

　Some of the shipgirls transferred from the Western Front supported the operations on the Eastern Front, while others planned to quietly infiltrate Fukushima to support their comrades there.

　Among the ship girls going to Fukushima, Kashino was specially arranged to load all the weapons bought by Eve on the ship. Then the main body stayed in Kansai, and the other ship girls escorted her to Fukushima.

　After breaking through some of the weaker defenses of the outer Self-Defense Forces and entering the city, he asked Kashino to immediately unload all the items on the boat.

　In this way, the strategic materials purchased by Eve can appear in the Fukushima revolutionary base in a reasonable way, making the local people feel that the appearance of the materials is reasonable, thus dispelling Eve's worries.

　Chapter 312: JCPOA June Work Summary

　Throughout June, the Japanese Communist Party's work in the Central Revolutionary Base Area was mainly to further implement the contents discussed and approved in May, and to add other new reforms.

　In the military, the Japanese Communist Party mobilized all positive forces inside and outside the party, such as ship girls, retired Self-Defense Force soldiers, military academy students, etc., to be responsible for specific military construction work, such as building militias and regular armies.

　While building its regular army, the Japanese Communist Party established its first fully self-developed regular armed force: the 7th Brigade of the Japanese People's Revolutionary Army. Hibiki was fortunate to become the political commissar of the 7th Brigade, responsible for ideological development and supervising and guiding training.

　Some people may wonder why the troops trained by the Japanese Communist Party themselves are called the 7th Brigade instead of starting from the first order?

　In fact, this is from a Japanese red song "The Seventh Brigade"

　"Yukutokoro (Song of the Seventh Brigade)" is the battle song of the core faction during the Zenkyotō period.

　In order to commemorate the progressive young people who sacrificed their youth in that left-wing student movement, the Japanese Communist Party named its first regular armed force the "Seventh Brigade."

　At the end of May, after the Self-Defense Forces had assembled, they planned to concentrate their superior forces, including three divisions and one brigade, plus the 1st Aircraft Regiment (airborne troops), to attack Kyoto.

　The Liberal Democratic Party spent a huge amount of money for Kyoto, and transferred all the Ground Self-Defense Forces east of the Kansai region of Honshu Island.

　In wartime, it's common to vilify the enemy. Seeing that the top leader of the Japanese Communist Party was named Ibaraki (a real surname), and that the LDP had chosen Kyoto as their capital, one can't help but recall a related folk story.

　The Liberal Democratic Party's propaganda agency seized on this point and compared the Ibaraki flower fan to the legendary Ibaraki Douji; it also compared the Japanese Communist Party's reforms in Kyoto to the folk story of Ibaraki Douji and his followers causing chaos in Kyoto, eating countless people, and committing evil deeds.

　Ibaraki Hanafu: "6"

　On the night the Self-Defense Forces launched their attack, Kyoto was already under full military curfew, and many tourist attractions were closed.

　On this dark and windy night, an agile figure landed on the roof of an ancient building at the long-closed Kiyomizu-dera Temple. She folded her black wings behind her, picked up a digital camera with a long SLR lens, and pressed the shutter in the direction of the Self-Defense Forces.

　"Hahaha~" Looking at the photography effects on the small screen of the camera, Yumemaru Fumi secretly laughed inwardly, "The Self-Defense Forces are launching a large-scale attack on Kyoto. How could I miss such a major event? These are all exclusive photos!"

　At this moment, Xi's voice came from her headset: "You damned thing! Don't just focus on your exclusive news. Don't forget that Sister Eve asked you to come out here for reconnaissance and intelligence. Hurry up and get more useful photos! You're so careless, I really doubt you're capable of reconnaissance work!"

　"The highest level of a journalist is that of an intelligence officer," Yumeiwan said proudly. "You don't have to worry about that at all. I'm just out here gathering news and helping you with some reconnaissance."

　Xi held his forehead tightly, thinking that Yumeimaru Wen really deserved a beating, a complete scum of the world. That being said, this was precisely one of Wenwen's lovable and annoying points.

　In the Kyoto Tower in the city, Ibaraki Hanaogi was on the top floor, using a fixed telescope for sightseeing to observe the direction in which the Self-Defense Forces were approaching.

　In order to prevent the Self-Defense Forces from attacking Kyoto Hongyuan with missiles and wiping out the Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party, the Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party had already been secretly moved to a safe place.

　But Ibaraki Hanasu insisted on coming out to observe the real-time movements of the Self-Defense Forces. Considering that the Self-Defense Forces were still 7 kilometers away from the Kyoto Tower, this distance exceeded the maximum range of the anti-material sniper rifle. In addition, the comrades of the Military Commission could not persuade Ibaraki Hanasu, so they agreed to let Chairman Ibaraki of the Central Committee go to the Kyoto Tower secretly.

　Climbing high and seeing far, Ibaraki Hanasu could vaguely see the lights of the Self-Defense Force convoy maneuvering on the suburban road through the telescope.

　At this moment, while no one was around Ibaraki, Eve appeared next to Ibaraki Hanafumi and asked jokingly:

　"A thousand years ago, you saw the torches of the cavalry and foot soldiers who came to repel you. Now you see the headlights of motorized and mechanized vehicles suppressing the revolution. This time, you won't be driven out of Kyoto, will you?"

　Ibaraki Hanafugi didn't turn around, but continued to observe. After a few seconds, he whispered, "I was driven out of Kyoto before because my crimes were so grave, and I deserved it. Things are different now. If I lose, I will bear historical responsibility, and I can't explain myself to the Party and the people."

　"I originally thought you would say that after being driven out of Kyoto, you would go back to Oeyama to fight guerrilla warfare," said Eve.

　"Because I don't think I will lose, I won't say anything." The strong support from the ship girl gave Ibaraki Hanafu enough confidence.

　"Okay, revolutionary optimism." Eve smiled and nodded to Ibaraki.

　……

　After that, the Self-Defense Forces launched two consecutive large-scale offensives against Kyoto within a month. Since all parties had done a good job before, the Self-Defense Forces were far from achieving their predetermined strategic goals.

　Near the end of June, the Self-Defense Forces began to show signs of fatigue, and the offensive against Kyoto weakened significantly. The Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party confirmed through information from multiple sources and decided to launch a counterattack against the Self-Defense Forces in early July, with the ship girls as the main attack and the Revolutionary Army filling in the gaps and assisting.

　In Osaka, slightly to the south, there has also been significant progress. The ship girls and the Revolutionary Army have captured Kansai Airport, opening up Osaka's air exit. The liberation of the entire Osaka Prefecture is just around the corner.

　After the liberation of Osaka Prefecture, only Nara and Wakayama Prefectures remained in the Kansai region. The geographical environment of Nara and Wakayama Prefectures is almost entirely mountainous, with the exception of Nara City and Wakayama City in the north, which are located on relatively flat land.

　When it comes to mountain warfare, human troops are definitely unhappy, but the shipgirls are happy. Therefore, the Japanese Communist Party Central Military Commission formulated a plan to liberate the entire Wakayama Prefecture and the entire Nara Prefecture. This plan is relatively radical, striving to liberate the last two counties in Kansai as quickly as possible.

　Anyway, there are many shipgirls, the battlefield is small, and the terrain is complex, so you can fight as you please. What, you don’t accept it? (Eagle sauce fainted in the toilet)

　Politically, the Japanese Communist Party established the Japanese Communist Youth League, which is politically positioned as a mass organization of advanced youth led by the Japanese Communist Party and a platform for young people to learn in practice.

　Socialist and communist schools are the assistants and reserve forces of the Japanese Communist Party.

　In fact, one of the important intentions of the Japanese Communist Party in establishing the Komsomol was, to put it bluntly, to compete with political organizations that inherited the legacy of the left-wing student movement for personnel.

　The sectarianism within Japan's leftist student movement is so severe that it treats factional conflicts as conflicts between enemies. To this day, these political organizations within the leftist student movement are still fighting openly and covertly against each other.

　Of course, there are also some organizations that have come to their senses, are tired of infighting, and are moving towards mature organizations, such as the rebuilt Revolutionary Communist League and the National Conference of Internationalist Workers.

　These two organizations are more aware of the times. After several rounds of negotiations, the Japanese Communist Party and them finally agreed to speak with the Japanese Communist Party on major domestic and international issues, and to coexist and supervise each other with the Japanese Communist Party for a long time.

　As for the Central Core Faction, the Revolutionary Marxist Faction, and the Revolutionary Labor Union, it is difficult to say. They have committed acts of assassinating comrades from other factions.

　Although the Japanese Communist Party's External Liaison Department sent people to the Chinese Communist Party to learn a lot of knowledge about united front work, the Japanese Communist Party was not optimistic about whether these factions would cooperate.

　"If they could really understand the importance of the united front, they would not have been engaging in internal strife until today; so that we have to be patient, endure their arrogance, and do united front work for them painstakingly." - by a cadre of the United Front Work Department of the Japanese Communist Party.

　Ibaraki Hanafugi expressed his opinion on this: "No matter what, we just need to do our best. If they can accept it, everyone will be happy. If not, as long as they don't cause trouble, we won't do anything to them.

　By doing this, we can divide them. If someone were to try to do something extreme to us, there would undoubtedly be internal vacillation or major divisions. In that case, based on their past behavior, they would likely split again, into those who oppose the Japanese Communist Party and those who support it.

　In this way, we can recruit the faction that supports us, and we can deal with the faction that opposes us without any worries. Because their division has helped us identify which ones are the targets of attack and which ones are not.

　So, this is called dividing one group, winning over another, and suppressing another. The Japanese Communist Youth League exists to manage and guide young people, to prevent a recurrence of the factionalism and sectarianism of the student movement.

　Therefore, the Party’s leadership is everything, whether in the east, west, south, north, or center, in the Party, government, military, people, or academia. The historical lessons of the Japanese student movement are the best negative evidence to prove the correctness of the vanguard’s leadership.”

　……

　Economically, the Japanese Communist Party relied on foreign aid to stabilize the domestic economy. The design of the new currency in the base area was complete, and the layout was ready to be submitted to the Osaka Mint for mass printing.

　To facilitate private transactions and currency exchange, the denomination of the yen in the base area remained unchanged compared to the yen in the LDP-ruled areas. The main changes were in the art design.

　The base yen has changed the traditional gray tones of the Japanese yen to a brighter and more obvious color difference, making it easier to distinguish the denomination of the currency from a distance. For example, like the Chinese yuan or the Korean won.

　The second is that the portraits on the banknotes are the pioneers of communism in modern Japan, and different denominations have different people's portraits printed on them.

　The 10000 yen note features Tokuda Kyuichi, the 5000 yen note features Nosaka Sanzo, the 2000 yen note features Katayama Sen, and the 1000 yen note features Kobayashi Takiji. The lower denominations are represented by coins. The backs of the coins feature images of Japan's beautiful natural landscapes.

　In order to improve the staple food structure of the people, the Japanese Communist Party not only actively organized the people to reclaim wasteland and encouraged farmers to grow more rice, but also used RMB to import rice from Southeast Asian countries.

　Chapter 313 Wagner’s mutiny?

　After the Soviet restoration in Russia, Belarus also gave the world a big event.

　President Lukashenko announced the restoration of the Soviet system, changed the country's name back to its original name "Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic", and invited the Communist Party of Belarus to come to power.

　The surrounding capitalist countries were just a little surprised, but not particularly shocked. This was probably because of the previous incident in Russia, and it seemed reasonable that Lukashenko, who was more pure than Putin, would do such a thing.

　Compared to other countries, the Belarusian people were the most indifferent. They were supportive, but they weren't particularly excited. Most people just said something like "Oh, okay," to indicate they understood, and then continued on with their daily lives.

　The reason for this reaction is that Belarus, apart from having the presidential system of a Western capitalist country, has strong Soviet heritage in all aspects of society.

　There are many Soviet elements in cultural symbols, free compulsory education, medical care and pension system in social welfare, the economic system is mainly planned economy, and 70% of enterprises are state-owned enterprises. All aspects give people the impression of Soviet socialism.

　They may look alike, but they are actually different, but ordinary people cannot feel that. Ordinary people tend to see things intuitively, so they think that the current Belarus is basically the same as the Belarus during the Soviet era.

　Therefore, they did not react too excitedly to Lukashenko's speech.

　There are a few opposing voices in the political arena, most of which are not particularly strong.

　The number was very strong and unwavering. After a while, he was arrested by the Belarusian Soviet government and deported.

　Thanks to Belarus' much higher red support and social stability than Russia, Lukashenko's reforms have been proceeding relatively smoothly.

　Although there were small-scale protests and demonstrations during this period, they were later discovered by the Belarusian KGB. These demonstrations were almost all supported by European and American capitalist countries.