It is Kokang and Changchun

　Macron naturally understood this. Furthermore, given his recent comments that had displeased the US and the CIA's dark history of assassinations and subversion, he felt Joan's concerns were justified. He said, "Okay, then follow me. If you really feel unsafe, be vigilant."

　Of course, Macron agreed to Joan of Arc's request more out of consideration for the psychology of a highly concentrated believer.

　A few hours later, Macron and Joan of Arc arrived at the University of Amsterdam. Macron was talking with the Dutch officials, while Joan of Arc was clutching her scabbard, her alert eyes scanning the crowd nearby like a searchlight.

　Suddenly, Joan of Arc's sharp eyes caught something unusual. A man suddenly rushed towards Macron from not far away, yelling.

　The reaction speed of ship girls is much faster than that of humans. Before the police and bodyguards outside could react, Jeanne drew her sword in an instant and leaped forward, pinning the man to the ground. The sharp tip of her European rapier pointed directly at the man's neck.

　After Joan of Arc pinned the suspicious man down, the peripheral security personnel finally reacted and came forward one after another to completely subdue the man.

　Joan of Arc pointed her sword at the man lying on the ground and shouted, "If you are a devil, I will cut you down with this sword. If you have simply strayed from the right path, then wake up!"

　The man was immediately arrested and put into a police car. After the suspicious man was arrested, Macron continued his visit.

　Afterwards, at the local police station, Dutch police found a homemade grenade on him.

　Chapter 283 Tonight is a revolutionary communist (4)

　After returning from China and the Soviet Union, the Japanese Communist Party's diplomatic representatives brought a lot of good news to the Party Central Committee. First, China's interest-free loan, and then the Soviet Union's commitment to provide assistance in food, weapons, and mineral resources.

　The Central Committee of the Japanese Communist Party was also carrying out organizational reforms, adding the Central Revolutionary Military Commission to better prepare for violent revolution and lead, manage and build the armed forces in the future.

　However, because the Japanese Communist Party currently lacks a substantial armed force, or its size is not yet large enough, and it lacks military talent, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission is currently being concurrently filled by members of the Politburo. (Two names, one team.)

　In the intelligence war, Toyve secretly supported the efforts of the white-haired group, and Fuku was not left behind. Together with the humans in the Japanese Communist Party's intelligence department, they defended against betrayal by traitors, spies, and labor scabs, and against deep-sea infiltration by the Liberal Democratic Party government and the AC faction.

　Under the white terror of the Liberal Democratic Party, the social environment was full of fear and suspicion. Whenever there was a slight disturbance, Fumio Kishida would take corresponding measures to prevent things he didn't want to see from happening.

　For example, recently the Self-Defense Forces, based on some suspicious information and some ideological trends that the ship girls have more or less expressed in the past, in order to avoid possible bad things, have specially dispersed the ship girls' forces to major ports, instead of concentrating them mostly in Yokosuka as in the past.

　In this process, some destroyers also had a blessing in disguise. For example, although the six destroyers were far away from Yokosuka Port and parted ways with Kongō Atago and other comrades, she was fortunate enough to return to her former home port, Maizuru Naval Base, and meet Haruzuki.

　The changes in the Maritime Self-Defense Force's deployment of shipgirls have caught the attention of the Japanese Communist Party's Central Political Bureau. Recently, the entire Japanese Communist Party Central Political Bureau has been discussing the details of the uprising, such as weapons management, personnel recruitment and training, political propaganda, uprising locations, and tactical strategies.

　Due to the extremely strong individual combat power of the ship girls, and the fact that the Japanese government used to manage the ship girls for the convenience of

　Because the ship girls were concentrated in the Yokosuka Naval Base, the Japanese Communist Party Politburo's discussion of the details of the uprising basically revolved around the ship girls and their locations.

　The sudden dispersion of the ship girls' forces by the Maritime Self-Defense Force in the past two days caught the Japanese Communist Party's Political Bureau by surprise, so the Political Bureau had to make new uprising deployments in response to the sudden dispersion of the ship girls' forces.

　"Damn that Kishida Baka! Why not split things up earlier or later, but at this very moment!" Nakano Hiroharu, Secretary of the Central Secretariat and Politburo member, complained, "This move has significantly reduced the strength of the uprising originally planned in Yokosuka. It's completely messed up!"

　Hiroharu Nakano came from the party organization in Yokosuka. He was very familiar with the situation in Yokosuka and had a good relationship with the local party organization personnel, which facilitated the specific operations. There were also many ship girls and sailors with progressive ideas in Yokosuka Port, so he believed that Yokosuka was undoubtedly the most suitable place for the uprising.

　"If that's the case, do we have to choose Fukushima as the location for the uprising?" another Politburo member pondered.

　Nakano Hiroharu immediately rejected the idea, saying, "Absolutely not! If the reason I strongly advocated for Yokosuka as the site of the uprising was that the enemy was weak and we were strong, then the reason I opposed Fukushima as the site of the uprising was that the enemy was strong and we were weak."

　He then explained in detail the reasons for his insistence on his opinion: "Comrade Shiga, you should know that Fukushima had just experienced a non-partisan citizen riot two years ago, which was ruthlessly suppressed by the Ground Self-Defense Force.

　Anyone familiar with revolutionary theory knows that it is difficult for revolutions to break out continuously in the same place within a short period of time. Even if the party organization in Fukushima is still full of combativeness, it is hard to say how much revolutionary enthusiasm the people still have.

　Furthermore, the 6th Division's headquarters has since been relocated from Higashine City to Fukushima City. As for the reason for this relocation, I think everyone understands it. The enemy is now more powerful than ever, their strength has increased significantly in a short period of time, and the people of Fukushima have yet to fully recover.

　Under these circumstances, forcing an uprising in Fukushima would be like throwing an egg against a rock. Not only would it fail, but the failure would be even more disastrous than in the past two years, further diminishing the revolutionary spirit of the Fukushima residents.

　"If Fukushima doesn't work, what else can we choose?" Shiga asked.

　"Of course it has to be Yokosuka." Nakano's words were full of determination.

　Shiga was really confused, "But didn't you say that Kishida messed up your original plan?"

　"When I say disrupted, I mean the specific deployment and organization of the Yokosuka Uprising, not the disruption of our determination to launch the uprising in Yokosuka." Nakano Hiroharu clarified the ambiguity caused by his previous words.

　Then Nakano continued to refute: "We can't just not revolt when there are minor difficulties, and not revolt when the gap in strength between the enemy and us is obvious, right? Would Lenin and Mao Zedong have to hand over all their weapons back then? Would the Soviet Union and the PRC still exist?"

　"To be honest, revolution isn't something that happens naturally; to a certain extent, it involves a gamble. To put it bluntly, this impending revolution is a gamble on the fate of Japan and the fate of the people.

　The word "gamble" sounds very unpleasant and does not conform to the style of us Communists. It always makes people think of Yamamoto Isoroku of the old Imperial Navy; but there is no more appropriate word to replace it.

　According to the previous plan, the enemy and our situation were much better than they are now. But the new situation has turned the enemy and our situation into a half-cooked pot of rice. But so what? It's half-cooked, but we have to eat it!

　Hiroharu Nakano tapped his fingers hard on the map, and the wooden table made a dull and loud knocking sound.

　Ibaraki Hanasu, who was watching the two men's discussion, felt he should remind them. The reason Nakano had been speaking was because the uprising had been set in Yokosuka, and Ibaraki Hanasu wasn't as familiar with Yokosuka as Nakano Hiroharu, so Hanasu had let Nakano speak freely.

　Ibaraki Hanafu, sensing that Nakano and the others had fallen into a misunderstanding, slowly spoke up, "Comrades, I think you may have overlooked one point. Why must we revolt at a single point?"

　Nakano Hiroharu said, "Comrade Chairman, fighting on multiple fronts is a major military taboo. We should concentrate our superior forces to achieve a breakthrough in one fell swoop. This is the best strategy."

　"You're right, but where are our superior forces now?" Ibaraki Huashan asked. "You can't hang yourself on a single tree, comrade. During the Chinese revolution, there wasn't just one revolutionary base.

　In addition to Yokosuka City and Fukushima City, Maizuru and Osaka are also worthy of attention. Recently, many destroyers and light cruiser girls have arrived at Maizuru Port and Osaka Port.

　The shortest straight-line distance between the coasts of Maizuru City and Osaka City is only more than 80 kilometers. With such a short depth, it only takes destroyers and light cruisers more than an hour to complete the journey.

　If the ship girls from Osaka and Maizuru could join forces at both ends, it would only take more than half an hour to split the Kinki region (Kansai) into two, cutting off the connection between the Ground Self-Defense Force west of the Osaka-Maizuru line and the Ground Self-Defense Force east of this line.

　Furthermore, this would greatly reduce the pressure on Yokosuka and Fukushima, as the main force of the 6th Division would surely move south to provide emergency assistance. By then, it would be the perfect time for Fukushima to launch a second uprising.

　At the same time, the Maizuru Uprising will also open up an outlet for us to the Sea of ​​Japan. With this outlet, Soviet aid can be continuously delivered. This will give us the resources to build a revolutionary base and establish our own armed forces from the outset.

　"However, we in Maizuru and Osaka are completely unprepared for an uprising, whether it's the masses or the party members..." Nakano Hiroharu worried.

　"We are not prepared, but it's okay if they are prepared. There is a destroyer girl named [Haruzuki] on Maizuru's side, and another destroyer girl named [Higashi]. The former is quite familiar with Maizuru's situation, and the latter is a left-wing leader among the ship girls." Ibaraki Hanafu has great trust in the ship girls.

　She also mentioned the situation in Osaka: "As for Osaka, there is a light cruiser girl in Osaka Port who can take over as the leader and is on our side."

　"Then what should we do with the Osaka 3rd Division stationed in Osaka?" Nakano felt that the Osaka Division was a big obstacle.

　"You have to know that the Osaka Division has been a well-known traitor in the Japanese army since the old imperial period. If you learn about the history of the Osaka Division, you will find that they are simply a rare breed in the Japanese army. They are considered to be human beings.

　Although the current Osaka 3rd Division is not the same unit as the former Osaka 4th Division of the old empire, the Osaka people's unique calm, tactful, situational and calculating business acumen remains the same.

　"Currently, reliable intelligence indicates that the 3rd Division, from top to bottom, is dissatisfied with the current political and social situation and the White Terror. If the shipgirls in Osaka can do some ideological work with the 3rd Division at this critical moment, I think they can be won over."

　"Comrade Chairman Ibaraki, here comes the problem. The Osaka Division's sophistication and smoothness clearly do not meet the requirements of a revolutionary army." Nakano Hiroharu did not quite agree with Ibaraki Hanasu's point of view.

　"You're right, you also said that this is a gamble." Ibaraki Hanafu closed his eyes and said softly.

　Suddenly, she opened her eyes again, looked at everyone present with a resolute look, and said:

　"But I bet the 3rd Division won't stab us in the back. Why? Won't they assess the situation and make careful calculations? With so many Maizuru and Osaka shipgirls, the 3rd Division will inevitably suffer heavy casualties if they want to cause trouble.

　The terrain of the Kinki region is either plains filled with urban buildings or mountains and hills. Such terrain greatly reduces the combat effectiveness of ordinary troops.

　The characteristics of the ship girls determine that the penalties they suffer when fighting in this kind of terrain are much smaller than those of ordinary troops. What can the Third Division use to fight the ship girls in this kind of terrain?

　Since we can all think of this, it's impossible that the shrewd guys in the Third Division didn't consider it. Also, during the Chinese Revolution, wasn't there a Kuomintang general named Wang Yaowu? He was also a shrewd and smooth businessman, but wasn't he successfully reformed by the CCP?

　Perhaps Wang Yaowu was an opportunist, not genuinely seeking reform but simply wanting to be released from prison quickly, but he didn't commit any counter-revolutionary acts after his release. As long as the Third Division doesn't aid and abet the evil, they can do whatever they want at this stage.

　Besides, by the time the revolution succeeds, the Liberal Democratic Party will have been wiped out and the political situation will be clearer. Wouldn't the smart minds of the Third Division be able to take sides?

　Regardless, at this stage, destroying the Liberal Democratic Party is the primary conflict and the top priority. As long as other parties aren't pointing their guns at us, we should fight for them.

　Having said all that, my opinion is this: launch multiple uprisings, on multiple fronts, to distract the Self-Defense Forces' attention and manpower. A single spark can start a prairie fire!

　After saying that, Ibaraki Hana raised his head and looked around at all the Politburo Standing Committee members present, waiting for their reactions.

　Chapter 284 Tonight is a revolutionary communist (5)

　Ibaraki Hanafugi's words caused the Politburo members present to reconsider. Nakano and the others began to consider the rationale of the Chairman's proposal.

　"Comrade Ibaraki, as for Fukushima, even if the 6th Division moves south for some reason, there is still the Northern Army (Hokkaido Military Region) that can take over the 6th Division's garrison in Fukushima." Shiga thought for a moment and raised an objection.

　Another member added on behalf of Ibaraki Kasen that he was a member of the delegation that had recently been sent to visit China and the Soviet Union:

　"Don't worry about that. The Soviets said they will have the Eastern Military District conduct large-scale live-fire exercises in the public land, sea, and airspace near Hokkaido to attract the attention of the Northern Army."

　"Is that so... This is good news. Fortunately, the new Soviet Union is quite friendly in its diplomacy. If it were the old Soviet Union, it would be hard not to arouse suspicion if they helped to this extent..." Shiga wiped the sweat from his forehead.

　Then, the representatives continued to discuss the rationality of Ibaraki Hanasu's proposal. After more than ten minutes of discussion, most members of the Politburo decided to adopt Ibaraki Hanasu's suggestion.

　Then Nakano Hiroji said: "Since there are multiple uprisings, there must be a key point, right? Just like the dialectical unity of the two-point theory and the key point theory in Marxist philosophy.

　But Comrade Chairman has pointed out the possibility of the Osaka Uprising succeeding, which makes it difficult for me to decide between Yokosuka and Osaka. Comrade Chairman, I would like to seek your opinion.

　Ibaraki Huashan stared at the map, thought for a while, and then put forward his own opinion: "I think this is possible. Since the 3rd Division is more likely to defect, the ship girls and the Maritime Self-Defense Force in Osaka and Maizuru can revolt at the same time and quickly join forces.

　This was followed by the Yokosuka Uprising. There were many battleships and ship girls in Yokosuka. The rebel sailors defended their homes and filled the line, while the ship girls took the lead in combat and assault, trying to see if they could break into Tokyo as soon as possible to capture Kishida alive and force the Liberal Democratic Party government to surrender and hand over power.

　If this goal cannot be achieved in the first place, then give up the idea of ​​attacking Tokyo and cover the naval base.

　"With the help of our troops, we will evacuate Yokosuka and try to find a way to join forces with the rebel forces in Maizuru, Osaka, and establish a revolutionary base."

　"What about Fukushima City?" someone asked.

　Ibaraki Hanafugi turned his gaze towards the map of Fukushima and said:

　“The Fukushima area will definitely be slower, and we will make a decision after observing the strategic dynamics of the 6th Division after the uprising.

　Fukushima does have one advantage, however: it's a major agricultural prefecture. While its industry isn't as developed as that of the Kanto, Kansai, and Seto Inland Sea coastal areas, agricultural products are more important than anything else to ordinary Japanese people in today's Japan.

　Of course, the agricultural products I mentioned earlier don't include local seafood. If the Fukushima uprising is initially successful, there won't be any concerns about food security for the local population, though the wine industry might have to endure some hardship.

　Fukushima Prefecture ranks sixth in terms of arable land area among Japan's first-level administrative regions. The largest agricultural product is rice, which is famous throughout the Japanese archipelago for its yield and delicious taste.

　Correspondingly, Fukushima Prefecture has a well-developed brewing industry due to its abundant production of high-quality rice. There are more than 100 breweries in the prefecture, and their products are quite famous throughout Japan.

　When Ibaraki Hanaogi talked about saving rice resources for the sake brewing industry in Fukushima Prefecture, he couldn't help but think of Fukushima's fine sake and muttered to himself:

　"If the revolution triumphs and the food problem is solved, I'll definitely go back to Fukushima and have a good drink. Life without alcohol is such a torture... Damn the agricultural cooperatives, damn the LDP government!"

　"If you have food but no guns, you are just someone else's granary." Hiroharu Nakano is a little worried about the future situation in Fukushima.

　Ibaraki Hanafugi said, "It's not that we're completely without guns. The Fukushima incident two years ago caused a lot of police and military weapons to flow into the hands of the public. Even if the 6th Division doesn't move, we can still carry out the revolution."

　"With only a few guns and a few hundred people at most, how can we possibly fight the Self-Defense Forces?" The committee members present felt that even so, it was better than nothing.

　"Why can't they fight?" Ibaraki Huashan denied the committee's pessimistic view of Fukushima, saying, "The Chinese Communist Party's Red Army guerrillas on Hainan Island (the Qiongya Column) only had 700 people when they revolted in 1927 to oppose the Kuomintang's counter-revolutionary coup. That's less than the number of Fukushima Self-Defense Force two years earlier.

　And then what? This Red Army started from this point, and faced the constant encirclement and suppression of the Kuomintang army on this small island, and surprisingly managed to hold out for 23 years, until the People's Liberation Army of mainland China liberated Hainan Island and successfully joined forces.

　Ibaraki Huashan continued to elaborate on the history: "In terms of hardship, the Central Red Army of the Communist Party of China, and later the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army, could not compare with the Red Army on Hainan Island.

　Not only was the armed forces smaller, but during their low point, they suffered far more devastating consequences than the Central Red Army. They not only lost contact with the Central Committee and the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, but the number of armed forces also plummeted from over 2000 in 1931 to just over 100.

　Many comrades may think that this was already tragic enough, but it was not over yet. In order to avoid being hunted down by the Kuomintang, the remaining 100-odd people, led by the then leader Comrade Feng Baiju, moved to the deepest part of the Laoshan forest.

　"After enduring more than eight months of extreme hardship in the harsh tropical rainforest environment, not a single person defected, not a single person fled, and only 25 people managed to break through. Afterwards, they returned to the Qiongwen area and continued to mobilize the masses and wage guerrilla warfare, ultimately making the Qiongya Revolution a prairie fire."

　All the Politburo members present were amazed after hearing this. They had already admired the Red Army immensely when reading about its Long March. Today, hearing the Chairman talk about the experiences of the Qiongya Column, they were even more astonished.

　"I'm sorry, this is indeed a blind spot in my knowledge. I didn't know that this inconspicuous border island in southern China actually has a revolutionary team with a spiritual will that is even stronger than that of the Central Red Army. I'm really enlightened." Nakano Hiroji felt ashamed of what he had missed in his studies of the history of the Chinese revolution.

　This isn't Comrade Nakano's fault, as Hainan has little presence even in China's online media. Take Bilibili, for example: the Hainan IP appears almost exclusively under videos related to Hainan.

　Don’t be fooled by the saying on the Internet that “Jiangxi is Akalin Province”. When everyone says that Jiangxi is Akalin Province, Jiangxi itself no longer seems to have no presence.

　(As a Hainanese, I always find it funny to see people from mainland China lamenting their province's lack of presence online.)

　The Red Army's 25,000-mile Long March is a household name in China, but if you mention the Qiongya Column in Hainan, few people on the street know about it, or even have heard of it. Honestly, in terms of the setbacks and suffering they endured, the Qiongya Column was even more epic than the Central Red Army.

　Since the Japanese Communist Party established the general revolutionary line, it has repeatedly urged party organizations to study more about China and the Soviet Union, especially the history of China's socialist revolution.

　However, organized study sessions tended to focus on the essentials, rarely covering the full breadth of topics like historians and theorists. Furthermore, the Japanese Communist Party's transition to revolution was relatively short, so even comrades within the Party Central Committee were mostly acquainted with the main forces of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army and lacked understanding of the Red revolutionary forces in other provinces of China.

　After briefly discussing the history of the Hainan Qiongya Column, Ibaraki Huashan concluded with the following words: "So, comrades, always remember that there are no battles that cannot be fought. There are only those who cannot fight and those who are afraid to fight."

　Just as Ibaraki Kasen was about to talk about revolutionary propaganda and the recruitment of revolutionary troops, another politician

　The members of the governing council spoke:

　"Comrade Chairman, it's easy to say, but Japan's national conditions are completely different. Moreover, in modern information warfare, guerrilla warfare has long lost its market."

　"I'm talking about Fukushima, not the whole of Japan. I came to central Japan from Fukushima Prefecture. How could I not understand the situation in Fukushima Prefecture? We can't back off before the fight even starts," said Ibaraki Hanasu.

　Then she coughed and moved on to the next topic: "As for the question of how guerrilla warfare should be conducted in modern warfare, I will answer that later. Now let's talk about revolutionary propaganda and the key points of revolution.

　As long as we revolt, we will inevitably be subjected to frantic smears and slander from the ruling class authorities. The Kishida government will undoubtedly use far-fetched connections between us and the Red Army, a historical organization that has tarnished the reputation of the left, to undermine public trust in us.

　So, this is the most crucial point. No matter what, we must draw a clear line between ourselves and the Red Army, because we are not on the same page.

　We are building a revolutionary army that is strictly disciplined, obeys orders and serves the people; rather than those who shout revolution but actually engage in terrorism and use any means necessary.

　Second, when we engage in revolution and wage guerrilla warfare, we must resolutely oppose banditry. The essence of guerrilla warfare is to engage the enemy, not to wage guerrilla warfare for its own sake.

　The peasant armies led by Li Zicheng and Zhang Xianzhong in the late Ming Dynasty in China taught us a profound lesson in this regard. They only knew how to fight on the move, not how to set up camp and build a stronghold. Whenever they arrived in a place, they would rob officials and wealthy families of their property to provide them with money and food supplies.

　After devouring the wealth of local officials and wealthy families, they would move on to the next place to continue fighting, and after conquering it, they would repeat the same process. After devouring the officials and wealthy families, the Li family peasant army still did not understand production and construction. What should they do? So they could only turn their hands to the urban civilian class... I believe that the consequences of this cycle are probably all comrades can guess.