It is Kokang and Changchun

　Mercury Memorial found this incredulous. "If personal relationships could transcend politics, then Kerensky should have gone to Lenin to admit his mistakes, and Trotsky should have criticized himself to Stalin."

　"That's usually the case, but I can guarantee that Kadyrov is an exception." Putin acknowledged the universality of the examples cited in the Mercury Memorial, while pointing out the particularity of Kadyrov Jr.

　"As the top leader of a place, how can you act like such a fanatical fan of a star..." Mercury Ji Nian complained, she still felt it was a bit outrageous.

　Putin explained, "But Kadyrov himself has this tendency. Comrade Mercury Memorial, you may not know enough about this. This matter is very complicated. We have to start with his father. During the first Chechen War, his father, Kadyrov Sr., was an anti-Russian pioneer.

　The elder Kadyrov's family are all devout Muslims. After graduating from a Soviet religious school, he has been engaged in religious activities in Chechnya. Before the outbreak of the First Chechen War, he was already a highly respected deputy mufti (an Islamic title, meaning an official who explains religious law) in Chechnya.

　Before the Chechen War broke out, Dudayev hoped that the Mufti could call on more Chechens to participate in the war against Russia in the name of religion. However, the then Mufti believed that religion should not appear in the war, so he rejected Dudayev's request.

　Kadyrov, who was the deputy mufti at the time, was very supportive of Dudayev. During many religious activities, he called on more Chechens to participate in the war against Russia.

　Because old Kadyrov gave the war a religious cloak, the Chechens, who already had a strong martial spirit, showed great bravery in the war.

　The Chechens had won numerous victories against our army. Dudayev, therefore, held Kadyrov in high regard, later appointing him to replace the former mufti as Chechnya's supreme religious leader. It was also around that time that Kadyrov established his own private army.

　In 1996, Dudayev was targeted by our army and killed in a single artillery fire. The newly appointed Maskhadov was another warmonger. He decided to continue fighting Russia in order to ensure Chechnya's complete independence from the Russian Federation.

　But during the first Chechen war, Kadyrov saw too many innocent people die tragically, and he realized that war can only bring endless disasters to people. He also saw that the continuous wars had caused the Chechen economy to decline like an avalanche, and the Chechen people were therefore in dire straits.

　Kadyrov then changed his stance, suggesting that Chechnya should not continue its bitter struggle with Russia for independence. Ultimately, due to political disagreements with Maskhadov, he withdrew from the Chechen separatist armed forces.

　After I took office as President of Russia, Chechen separatist forces continued to stir up trouble, even intensifying. Many domestic terrorist incidents were linked to Chechen separatist forces. I could no longer tolerate this, so I decided to use strong measures to suppress the Chechen separatist forces. This marked the beginning of the Second Chechen War.

　During the Second Chechen War, Kadyrov Sr. not only stopped encouraging Chechen Muslims to participate in the war, but instead persuaded them to support Russia.

　The second Chechen war was different from the first. After I took office, I vigorously rectified the army. The conditions of lax ideology, loose armaments, and excessive tails were greatly improved. The army at that time was no longer the same.

　Our army, now revitalized, quickly conquered most of Chechnya. Six months later, the Chechen separatist forces were nearly completely destroyed, and Chechnya, which had previously enjoyed independence, was defeated and annexed by Russia.

　When the Chechen separatists were being suppressed, Kadyrov had always been very supportive. Therefore, the Chechen separatists considered him a traitor and launched a frantic hunt for him.

　In 2005, Ramzan Kadyrov was killed by Chechen separatists in the capital Grozny.

　After I got the news, out of consideration for stabilizing Chechnya, I immediately summoned Kadyrov's son, Kadyrov Jr. I affirmed that Kadyrov was a true national hero and then made Kadyrov Jr. the president of Chechnya.

　Although Chechnya had ceased fighting at that time,

　The homes of the people have been destroyed in the war, and many people are living a life of displacement and unemployment.

　To ensure long-term peace and stability in Chechnya, Russia has provided a series of assistance to Chechnya, properly resettling refugees who lost their homes during the war and providing them with appropriate pensions to ensure their basic living needs.

　In order to help Chechens live a prosperous life, Russia has also allocated a large amount of funds to support the construction of Chechnya's water, electricity, medical care, education, road infrastructure and other projects.

　At the same time, we have vigorously developed Chechnya's pillar industries, solved the employment problems of Chechens, greatly reduced the unemployment rate in Chechnya, and enabled the vast majority of people to live and work in peace and contentment.

　We have also started with education, establishing several schools in Chechnya to ensure that Chechen children receive sound religious guidance from an early age and develop a correct religious family perspective. We are also working to promote ethnic integration and strengthen national identity.

　As for those desperate bandits, we have not forgotten them either. Russia continues to hunt down and kill the leaders of the Chechen separatist forces, achieving the goal of eliminating the Chechen separatist armed forces.

　In short, under a series of policies and supporting measures that are beneficial to Chechnya's national economy and people's livelihood, Chechnya's economy has been greatly improved, society has become very stable, and people's lives have also been greatly improved.

　Politically, we have strengthened Chechnya's autonomy. During the Stalin era, Stalin issued a regulation that "Chechens are not allowed to manage Chechens", and subsequent leaders have always firmly implemented this regulation.

　However, after the Second Chechen War, in order to maintain harmony and stability in Chechnya, we implemented the policy of "local governance" and let Chechens manage Chechens.

　With my support, Kadyrov Jr. became the President of the Chechen Republic. Kadyrov was deeply moved by this, and having personally witnessed our development of Chechnya and our revenge for his father's murder, he and I formed a deep friendship.

　He also idolizes me and pledges allegiance to me whenever he feels like it. And whenever Russia is in trouble, he's the first to stand up and support me.

　Of course, his unconditional support for me is also because Kadyrov Jr. has realized that Chechnya and Russia are one. If Russia is in trouble, Chechnya is in trouble. Only when Russia is strong can Chechnya be strong; only when Russia is safe can Chechnya be safe.

　"I see..." Mercury Ji-nian, who had some preliminary knowledge of this, asked, "So this is why you think Kadyrov will accept the offer of amnesty?"

　Putin nodded in agreement and continued, "Yes, but besides that, it also has to do with his unyielding, chivalrous character. While my current identity as a communist might be a source of irritation for him, given his righteous character, this irritation is far from causing the problems Comrade Mercury is worried about."

　"However, a comrade surnamed Mao in southeastern China once said that Communists are organized and disciplined, not bandits who rob the rich to help the poor and do whatever they want.

　If the Chechen Soviet is to be rebuilt, Kadyrov's personality and ideology clearly do not meet the requirements of a socialist regime. Mercury Memorial highlighted a key point: the contradiction between Kadyrov's personal traits and the need to rebuild a socialist system in Chechnya.

　Putin was a little unsure how to respond to Mercury Memorial's question. "Well... that's a big question. I'll think about it carefully."

　"How about we talk to Aurora about it? Three cobblers are better than Zhuge Liang. As long as our thinking doesn't slip, there are always more solutions than problems." Mercury Memorial suggested connecting with Aurora for consultation.

　……

　In Stalingrad, Aurora had just finished her inspection of the people's livelihood in Stalingrad. After receiving the Mercury Memorial Newsletter, she returned to the office and made a group call through a dedicated landline.

　When she learned from the simple retelling of the conversation between Mercury Memorial and Putin, she suggested:

　"As for the best solution to the current situation, my suggestion is to learn from China's "one country, two systems" policy. Socialism should be implemented outside Chechnya, while Chechnya should adhere to the principle of Chechen autonomy under the Soviet Union principle and retain the existing system. Even the army can be retained, but at the same time, the Soviet Red Army must unconditionally station troops in Chechnya."

　"You are worthy of it, Comrade Aurora..." Putin complained in his heart. He had been guessing from the beginning whether Aurora would learn from China's experience, and he guessed it right.

　Mercury Ji Nian was a little confused, "Ah... didn't we agree to insist on a complete victory?"

　Aurora patiently explained, "It's not about implementing 'one country, two systems' permanently. Instead, it's about implementing it for 30 or 50 years, then establishing the Chechen Soviet and transitioning to a socialist system based on national self-government. These 30 to 50 years are primarily to give the other side a long enough buffer to avoid any adverse reactions from advancing too quickly."

　Historically, Stalin's radical actions against the Chechens have left behind a wealth of resentment. Furthermore, Chechnya is a country with a strong Islamic atmosphere. Rapid institutional change and excessive progress in a short period of time would be counterproductive.

　Therefore, I want to set aside 30 to 50 years to assimilate as many Chechens as possible through cultural education and economy, so as to reduce the resistance to future socialist transformation.

　To achieve this, in addition to our own efforts, Chechnya is also very important. Comrade Kadyrov and Putin have an excellent relationship. As long as Kadyrov's ideological work is handled properly, he will be the best choice for us to carry out relevant work in Chechnya.

　stabilizer.

　As for how to conduct ideological work under Kadyrov, I'm afraid there's no one in the world who is more knowledgeable than Comrade Putin."

　……

　The three of them talked a lot, basically about Chechnya and Kadyrov's appeasement. Just as Putin was talking, the Kremlin clerk brought a message from Zyuganov, saying that Belarusian President Lukashenko wanted to talk to Putin by phone.

　Chapter 278 Lukashenko: I won’t act anymore!

　After discussing with Aurora and others how to deal with Chechnya after the victory of the revolution, Putin spoke with Lukashenko on the phone.

　After a brief greeting, Lukashenko began to explain the purpose of his call. "The revolutionary situation in Russia is now unstoppable. After you have almost finished hanging the White Bandits in Russia, I will also prepare to do something big."

　What Lukashenko called a big thing was similar to what Putin did in Russia, which was to support the left-wing political party in Belarus, restore the Soviet system in Belarus, and change the country's original name back.

　"Comrade, I understand." Putin smiled, a confident smile on his face. "Belarus's political situation is much better than Russia's. Not only does it have a rich legacy from the former Soviet Union, but political parties also have little influence on the country's politics. You shouldn't face much resistance."

　Lukashenko is confident internally but expresses concerns externally. "Internally, resistance isn't that great, but externally, it's hard to say. Above us are the Baltic states of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, and to our left, an increasingly restive Poland.

　I can't guarantee that Poland won't do anything out of line. As you know, last year, the commander of the Polish Army, Waldemar Skrzypczak, made outrageous statements and claimed the sovereignty of Kaliningrad from you.

　What worries me more is that Poland has shipgirls, though their number is small and international treaties restrict them. But Western European countries are often hypocritical, and treaties are often worthless. If a war really breaks out, the tactical aspects will still be a headache for ordinary armies..."

　Speaking of this, Lukashenko couldn't help but feel a little worried.

　"So you're worried that Poland will sabotage the revolution. This is a big problem for you. Poland has been recruiting troops recently, and it's hard not to be suspicious of what it's up to." Putin thought for a moment, then reassured Lukashenko:

　"Who are we to blame? Whoever is hostile to Belarus is to Russia. Didn't we just discuss military integration last year?

　In order to avoid all possible risks, as long as you need it, comrades, the Soviet Union will be able to provide all necessary support, including military support, at any time to escort Belarus on the road to raising the red flag again.

　Also, regarding the issue of shipgirls, in a sense, Belarus doesn’t have any shipgirls, but there are shipgirls that are Belarusian.”

　"?" Lukashenko didn't understand what Putin meant.

　"We have a Type 38 destroyer child here, named Minsk, she is Belarusian (ethnicity)." Putin explained, and then said:

　"When you're ready to start the operation, let me know and I'll send her over to help you. If you have any further requests, just call me directly."

　"Okay, thank you, comrade." Putin's words reassured Lukashenko. "After the reforms are successful, we will further promote the economic integration of Russia and Belarus. Besides, I have another idea."

　"What idea?" Putin pretended not to know and waited for Lukashenko's reaction.

　"Isn't this something we all know?" Lukashenko laughed and continued, "Starting with the Russia-Belarus Union, we will gradually rebuild the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics."

　In terms of Soviet sentiment, Lukashenko is arguably even more ingrained than Putin. This is evident not only from his membership in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, but also from his leadership of Belarus after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

　In 1991, when the Belovezh Accords, which declared the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States, were voted on, Lukashenko was the only MP to vote against it.

　After Belarus' independence, its first president, Shushkevich, followed Yeltsin's example and promoted privatization and liberalization in the country, and also used "shock therapy", which caused a series of serious consequences for the social economy.

　Over the next three years, his policies were haphazard, leading to rampant corruption and a decline in people's livelihoods, which greatly dissatisfied the public. Under pressure from public opinion, Shushkevich was forced to establish an anti-corruption department, which Lukashenko was fortunate to head.

　At this time, Lukashenko was very popular among the people because he had the most contact with farmers during the Soviet era. His experience as a farm manager for more than ten years and his later effective work in the anti-corruption department earned him a good reputation.

　Since then, Lukashenko has become the embodiment of justice in the eyes of the people, which laid the foundation for his later victory over Shushkevich in the presidential election.

　Both before and after his election, Lukashenko consistently opposed privatization and liberalization. In industry, Lukashenko also reclaimed many of the enterprises privatized during the Shushkevich era. After industrial nationalization, Belarus continued to develop steadily, similar to the Soviet era.

　Many wealthy oligarchs emerged during the Shushkevich era. After Lukashenko came to power, some of them fled, and some were arrested. Many of the assets of those arrested and those who fled were unable to take away were also nationalized by Lukashenko.

　Regarding marketization, he believes that reform is necessary, but we cannot learn completely from the West. At the same time, he emphasizes that the government must act as a "regulator" of the market.

　Politically, the White Russians under his leadership

　Russia has retained many Soviet-era systems. He favors virtuous officials and keeps away from villains, employing a large number of experienced and capable veteran cadres from the Soviet era.

　In addition, Lukashenko also cracked down on Western infiltration and color revolutions, and through political reforms, reduced the influence of political parties on political and democratic life as much as possible. Therefore, Belarus still has no ruling party.

　Although Lukashenko is a non-partisan (because the Communist Party of the Soviet Union no longer exists), he is close to the Communist Party of Belarus established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and has always received the support of the Communist Party of Belarus. This is one of the important reasons why he was able to stay in power for nearly 30 years.

　His own ideological understanding and work style, coupled with the recent major changes in the international situation, have made Lukashenko believe that the time is ripe for rebuilding the Soviet Union, hence today's conversation with Putin.

　Putin scratched his head and looked away, jokingly saying, "Is that so? I remember who was the one who kept clarifying that the Russia-Belarus Union wasn't about rebuilding the Soviet Union?"

　Lukashenko cheerfully explained, "It's the same for everyone. We're just putting it on for the world to see. Didn't you also say that forgetting the Soviet Union is conscienceless, and returning to the Soviet Union is brainless?"

　I initially spoke those words to Yeltsin. I couldn't possibly form the Soviet Union with that bastard, could I? If I could, I'd even strangle him myself. Later on, it became about paralyzing those Western capitalist countries."

　"We are fellow travelers... the past is the past, and there is no need to be paralyzed now." Putin believes that Lukashenko does not need to hide anymore.

　Lukashenko was full of confidence and said frankly: "Of course. With the United States in such a bad shape right now, even Brazil, America's backyard, dares to abandon the dollar and switch to RMB settlement. So why should I hide it? Let's just speak frankly!"

　Remember how I scolded Britain two years ago? Britain is America's running dog! You can impose sanctions, but they won't choke you to death!

　"Hahahaha..." x2

　Before Lukashenko finished speaking, both of their microphones could hear each other's hearty laughter, and every electrical signal was filled with joy.

　"However, the new Soviet Union may not be as integrated as the former Soviet Union. It may be relatively lower, but higher than the European Union." Lukashenko changed the subject and pointed out the differences between the old and new Soviet Union.

　Lukashenko went on to explain his intentions, saying, "Besides ethnic and cultural differences and historical grievances, there are also diplomatic considerations. The former Soviet Union had 15 member states, but only three votes in the UN General Assembly, the same as the United States."

　In order to constrain the United States and its allies in international affairs in the future, gaining as many votes as possible in the UN General Assembly will be a key component. If the new Soviet Union's integration is relatively weak, each member state will have one vote.

　This way, we can have a maximum of 15 votes. Even if the member states cast different votes on a certain international issue, it is better than having only three votes at most.”

　Putin understood Lukashenko's thinking and gave him a warning: "That makes sense, but things must have a beginning and an end. I personally think this situation is not suitable as a long-term solution."

　"Of course, low integration will gradually move towards high integration." Lukashenko did not forget his original intention and said:

　"This is not only the inevitable path for the great revival of the Soviet Union, but also the inevitable requirement for the continuous development of human history and the integration of nations and cultures.

　Of course, a journey of a thousand miles begins with a single step. Everything that the Soviet Union is rebuilding now must begin with the revision of the terms of the Treaty of the Union of Russia and Belarus.

　Putin was very satisfied with this understanding and wished Lukashenko in advance, "No problem, I wish you smooth sailing on the road to rebuilding the Belarusian Soviet. If there are any problems, the Soviet comrades will always be the strong backing of the Belarusian comrades!"

　As soon as the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic is re-established, we will immediately recognize you and put the amendment and renewal of the terms of the Treaty of the Union of Russia and Belarus on the agenda."

　In response to Putin's promise, Lukashenko also assured: "I am still very confident about the political situation in my country, which I have governed for 30 years. There are opposition groups, but they are not numerous and powerful, and they are basically constructive.

　Furthermore, the military and the top brass are basically on my side, so those critical opposition factions won't be able to cause any major trouble. I will definitely bring victory to all the people who support me!"

　After the two ended the call, Putin suddenly felt that the prospects for socialism were bright, and he couldn't help but imagine a beautiful future.

　In the endless reverie, there seemed to be a voice in my mind coming from the most beautiful distance, which was filled with morning dew at dawn.

　The morning dew reflects a fascinating and brilliant scene - the advanced stage of socialism that is no longer within reach of one's age.

　Putin, coming back to his senses from his reverie, sighed, "Ah, I really envy Belarus, where the situation is less chaotic. Unlike us, we ended up in a civil war..."

　Chapter 279: Preparations for the Japanese Revolution

　Under the White Terror in Japan, everything seemed so depressing. In this oppressive environment, the renowned Japanese left-wing musician Ryuichi Sakamoto, already suffering from cancer, passed away on March 28th.

　However, for unknown reasons, the obituary of Mr. Sakamoto Ryuichi was not publicly released until early April. Perhaps due to the current political climate in Japan, the news of his death was not widely reported in Japan, and most people knew little about it.

　On the contrary, in China, the death of Ryuichi Sakamoto has caused mourning among many Chinese netizens.

　Saddened by the passing of this musician and international friend.

　Even Foreign Ministry spokesman Mao Ning said that China mourns the death of Mr. Ryuichi Sakamoto and extends sympathy to his relatives.

　So, who exactly is Ryuichi Sakamoto? He has a great reputation both officially and among the people in China, and even the spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs personally expressed his condolences when he passed away.

　Ryuichi Sakamoto is not only an internationally renowned composer, but also a passionate leftist in his youth. Amidst the surge of left-wing movements in Japan at the time, he not only read Mao Zedong's works but also attended lectures by leftist figures such as Kojin Karatani.