Canteen System Assistance Notes
Page 187
Domestically, beyond the final judgment of the present moment in the future, "legitimacy" can be broken down into many more complex components: historical heritage, military control—these definitions and factors are so complex that it's difficult to discuss them all. However, one thing is certain: the situation is gradually changing.
A village in the southern part of the Guanzhong Plain, under the administration of Nanzheng under the Nationalist government. Farmers working here were required to pay land tax, provincial and county grain taxes, provincial and county education fees, and security corps pacification fees according to the Nationalist government's requirements. They also had to pay grain to landlords for grain storage, perform corvée labor, and be conscripted into the army—or so the saying went.
But now, this village no longer needs this. Tax collectors representing the Republic of China, the provincial government, and the county government could not come, nor could the collection teams representing the security corps. Landlords either cooperated with the land reform or were subject to it. Annual taxes were consolidated into a unified proportion of public grain and requisitioned "targeted grain," which was then handed over to the administrative agencies of the Guanzhong region, which extended from the border region. New Era, New Shareholders - Chapter 263 https://kdocs.cn/l/cncaGCrHYhAD
So can this still be considered a rural area under the rule of the Nationalist government?
A private enterprise in Tuocheng, theoretically under the management of Gao Liqing, the commander of the Shaanxi-Northern Garrison, was also under the rule of the Nationalist government. In the course of daily operations, it was also theoretically required to pay the Republic of China's industrial and commercial taxes, negotiate various travel expenses, and cover the cost of pacifying the local garrison.
But now, this enterprise no longer needs to do so. Industrial and commercial taxes, previously mostly collected at the top rate, are now collected at a more progressive rate. Gone are the numerous taxes and levies imposed at the pleasure of superiors, now simply implemented according to regulations. And these funds are not remitted to officials at all levels or to the national treasury. Instead, they are collected centrally by the border region's financial system, used for daily expenses, transfer payments, and industrial reinvestment, and then settled with senior officials at agreed-upon rates.
So, can this still be considered an industrial and commercial enterprise under the rule of the Nationalist government?
If we put aside the issue of "state coercion" and just talk about the people's support, things will start to become interesting.
The inclinations of the peasants and workers are self-evident. As the main force and foundation of the revolution, Sun Yat-sen's policy of supporting farmers and workers proved even more solid here, thanks to a reasonable tax burden and a basic industrial-agricultural cycle. In fact, due to the border region's modern and advanced level of democratic governance, even the national bourgeoisie found life more comfortable there.
The intellectual group that has always preferred "orthodoxy" also "turned sides" in this trend.
In the original history, the minority of intellectuals and democratic figures in the Republic of China, until Chiang Kai-shek openly opposed the peace accord and murdered democratic figures after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, mostly recognized Chiang Kai-shek as the "legitimate leader." At that time, Chiang Kai-shek, driven by the need for political balance, promoted high-ranking and powerful yet unconnected political figures like Zhu Lixian as dangling pie-in-the-sky tactics to attract talent.
But now, the Eighth Route Army has also taken out a "big pie", the kind that pays full wages.
Chimneys rise from the ferrous metallurgical cluster in Ning Province, synthetic chemical pipelines stretch across the Dingyan region, road and rail bridges spanning the Yellow River are under intense construction, railways crisscross the northern Shaanxi Plateau, universities have relocated to Chang'an and classes have begun, the development of Guanzhong is in full swing, and construction in Suiyuan is already on the agenda...
To describe it in the same way as the game "Savage 6", the Communist Party was furiously building what was then a "spectacle" in China, and issuing a call to all intellectuals who still had ambition, courage, and even "desire":
Will you come and participate in the construction of this major project led by the Chinese?
Are you going to prove that we Chinese can also develop industry and accomplish great things?
Will you come and contribute to the liberation and prosperity of the Chinese people?
Therefore, in addition to the trend of "going to Fushe" among students, the trend of "going to the border areas" also emerged among Chinese intellectuals. Countless people who had skills but nowhere to use them, or who had already lost their way in the wave of losing teachers and land,
Those who had lost their direction and goals finally saw their "new holy land" again.
They secretly passed around newspapers and periodicals such as the Xinhua Daily and the Jiefang Weekly, asked for favors, inquired about contacts with local Communist Party offices, and packed their belongings with the help of comrades from local Party branches and helped their relatives to
Children came to the border areas through various channels, seeking opportunities to display their knowledge and talents, and also looking for the hope they once thought had long since disappeared.
Of course, it is undeniable that there are still some people who are obsessed with the "legitimacy" of the National Government, which seems to have inherited the throne, and still surround Shancheng Fruit Preserves. Some may consider the stability of their work and family, while others may be affected by
Influenced by the traditional idea of "loyalty to the emperor and patriotism," some people may hope to seek a seemingly more promising official position...
But the wheel of history still rolls on, and the tide of the times has also taken on different colors.
Chapter 522 Winter of 1941 (1) Chiang Kai-shek
"This is a very good thing, you go and do it."
Chiang Kai-shek wrote from top to bottom on the letter paper with a brush, waited for the ink to dry slightly, and then placed the document in the "approved" rattan basket next to him.
This is a plan proposed by the staff of the secretariat, which has been revised once.
The content is about how to deal with the alliance between the Sichuan and Yunnan warlords.
Because the Central Army faction was severely beaten by the Eighth Route Army after continuously suppressing the miscellaneous troops, its strength was weakened. The three Pan Zhong troops originally stationed in Lizhou, Sichuan, totaling 3 armies
The 8 divisions were starting to feel a bit overwhelmed. Their positions were right at
The flank of the 2nd Army of the Soviet-equipped attack army was also the rear of the "Nanzheng Anti-Communist Defense Line".
Now, because the coastal areas of the Republic of China are all blockaded, imports rely on the Yunnan-Burma Line, and with the rampant northern goods, the Sichuan Army who control the transportation between Sichuan and Yunnan have made a lot of profits.
The economic base determines the superstructure, and the slightly wealthy Sichuanese troops are showing signs of uniting around Pan Zhongsan. They're even flirting with Long Dengyun of Yunnan Province, hinting at an alliance—isn't that like asking a "traitor" to guard their own home? No, no, Chiang Kai-shek absolutely cannot allow this to happen.
"You can give Panchuan the post of governor and security commander as a token of consolation."
After much deliberation, Chiang Kai-shek picked up the document and annotated it in small print: "In addition to transferring Pan's troops from Lizhou to Rongcheng and Leshan in western Sichuan, we should also set up a Sichuan Southern Road Transportation Command and establish a Sichuan Southern Road Protection Unit to control the Sichuan-Yunnan channel to prevent the Sichuan-Yunnan confluence.
After Pan's troops arrive in Chengdu, Wang Fangzhou should be appointed mayor of Chengdu and a Chengdu headquarters should be established. Their powers and responsibilities should overlap with Pan's troops to drive them into a joint struggle and deplete their strength. Furthermore, several counties and districts in eastern Sichuan should be divided and brought under the management of the Sixth War Zone to separate the powers of conscription and management..."
As he wrote, he became interested. Soon, Chiang Kai-shek looked up at the map on the wall, slowly looking left and right, and saw countless arrows and blocks of color.
He then wrote: "The remaining troops of the original 34th group should be recruited locally to supplement them; and
The 71st Army will come to reinforce the 34th Reorganized Army, the 71st Army, and the 2nd Army. It is advisable to organize them into the new 4th Army Group."
Anyway, those old Shaanxi ragtag troops were ostensibly Communist-state troops, but after the Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain, apart from that thin layer of window paper, they were no different from those who had surrendered to the Communist Party. Why did they still keep that designation... Miscellaneous troops really couldn't be trusted! Chiang Kai-shek became slightly angry, but quickly calmed down. He thought for a moment and said, "Song Yinguo should be the commander of the New Fourth Army."
He wrote a comment at the end of the article, looked at it, and finally threw the letter back into the wicker basket with satisfaction.
It was now a break in the office. Instead of leaning back in his chair, President Chiang stood up, walked to the window of Yunxiu Tower in his Huangshan official residence, opened the curtains a little with his fingers, and looked down.
The traces of the Japanese air raid over two months earlier had been largely erased, the concrete floor and fallen trees repaired, and the entire courtyard exuded a leisurely and tranquil atmosphere. Chiang Kai-shek noticed the guards standing guard and, noticing they weren't slacking off, left the window with a satisfied look and walked over to the coffee table.
He stretched out three fingers and scooped up a handful of crispy potatoes from the plate lined with oil paper. Well, today's crispy potatoes were lime flavored.
It's really good. But don't eat too much. In this national crisis, soldiers must restrain their desires and endure for the sake of the country...
Control your desires, control your desires, control your desires! There's a family dinner tonight!
Last three slices!
Chiang Kai-shek took a few sips and told himself not to eat any more, then began pacing the room. Tonight's family dinner would probably be another one of his wife's creations: blueberry yam puree, bacon-crusted prawns, coffee with coconut milk. It wasn't exactly a typical Western dish, but it was definitely filling. Now wasn't the time to overeat.
However, the lemon flavor on the plate was no longer relatable, but the satisfaction from work was easily accessible. Jiang's thoughts drifted further, and he began to search for something satisfying in his recent events.
Dealing with the Communist Party's affairs is like a tangled mess. No matter how hard you try to sort it out, you can't find the end, and if you cut it off with a sharp knife, you might break your own hand. Dealing with the warlords' affairs is much easier. Recently, Fu Yisheng asked Shang Qiyu to pass on a message to him, asking how the mountain city would respond if he "returned to rule and returned to the Three People's Principles."
Ha! You really don't want to join the Eighth Route Army, right? How could I, Chang, not know what you warlords are like?
Chiang Kai-shek finally returned to familiar territory. Based on his understanding of the Eighth Route Army and Li Desheng, he expected the Communist Party's offer to be quite good. For example, they would allow him to retain a largely independent civil administration, taxation, police, and education system, and even some military units. Furthermore, the Communist Party might even promise not to engage in the "persecution of gentry and land reform" policy in Wuyuan, offering very relaxed conditions.
However, the Communists would certainly seize the power of the gun; they would also undoubtedly spread their red heresy around Wuyuan. By then, seeing the disparity in living standards between the two sides, wouldn't the able-bodied men and farmers be tempted to run to the Communist side? Fu Yisheng had a broad mind, but he absolutely couldn't tolerate such a situation—otherwise, he wouldn't be a warlord!
At worst, he could be given another army designation… Hadn't Ma Shaoyun been isolated by the Eighth Route Army? The 82nd Army was vacant, so why not give it to Fu Yisheng and station him on the Jincheng-Tianshui line, appointing him as the commander of the Gansu-Qinghai-Tibet Border Region Security… Chiang Kai-shek thought gleefully about how he would handle Fu Yisheng, satisfied with his own arrangements.
This would inevitably force Fu Yisheng to recruit local troops to fill vacancies, leading to conflict and mutual depletion with the Ma family army. This depletion would allow him to maintain an unbroken battle with Jincheng's Ma Zixiang, facing their common enemy, the Communist Party. As the Communists grew stronger, these two would inevitably join forces and train militias, ensuring that every village had its own defense and every county had its own army, rendering the Communists' pressure like a dog biting a turtle, with nowhere to bite.
"President."
When Jiang Gong came to his senses, there was a gentle knock on the office door. The voice of the attendant came from outside the door, "It's almost the time you said.
Mr. Hede's car just arrived at the door, and the kitchen has already prepared the food."
"I understand. Yu Hede... just let him wait for a moment."
Chiang Kai-shek answered through the door. He grabbed a handkerchief set aside, wiped his greasy fingers, and turned to the coat rack. Today's family dinner was to meet with the former president of the Magic City Refugee Relief Association, the former director of Siming Bank and current wealthy businessman, and his moneybag, Yu Hede. They also had important matters to discuss. Chiang Kai-shek first picked up his usual dark green military uniform.
No, he thought for a moment and put his military uniform down again.
This time, the purpose was to discuss contact with Japan, which was an important matter concerning the anti-communist consensus and the future of the party and the country. Yu Hede was Chiang Kai-shek's new representative for the secret talks.
People preparing to go to Wan Chai Island to meet with Japanese representatives.
The Japanese were beaten by the Communist army and wanted Wang and Chiang to "join forces" to end the "Sino-Japanese Incident" in a decent manner, so they wanted to negotiate peace - this is normal and right. There is nothing wrong with the negotiations. It is nothing more than both sides showing their prices and testing each other's bottom line.
However, in previous contacts, the Japanese insisted on making the Wang Puppet regime equal to themselves... When Chiang Kai-shek thought of this, he felt indescribably disgusted.
But now the situation was pressing, and the Party-state was also facing enormous pressure from the Communist Party, so it had to find ways to deal with the Communist army. Chiang Kai-shek thought, the Japanese have their own international constraints, and no matter how much aggression they carry out, it will be just that; but the Communist Party must be dealt with, otherwise the country will be destroyed and the Party will be destroyed - on this point, he and the Japanese can still negotiate.
Then I shouldn't show up at the dinner party as a soldier.
After figuring this out, Chiang Kai-shek took down another long gown without any markings from the coat rack. At this moment, there was another knock on the office door.
"You're so anxious, you don't know what to do." He was a little unhappy and scolded, "How can this be so disgraceful?"
"Father," the voice at the door was no longer the guard, but Xiao Jiang, "Mrs. Jiang has already sat down."
Hearing his wife's movements, or rather, her attitude, Chiang Kai-shek remained silent for a moment. The Japanese had spoken to him more than once, and this time was no different. This time, however, the Japanese representative, secretly discussing matters with the Hong Kong government, was speaking directly to him, claiming that the Empire had reached a "Japan-US Understanding" with the United States, and that the United States would support the Empire's interests in China. Now, his wife had expressed her approval of this...
Could it be true? Did Japan really get support from the United States? After a little thought, Chiang Kai-shek quickly answered.
"Tell her I'll be right there."
Chapter 523: Late Summer of 1941 (2) Secret Talk in the Japanese Room
(4k chapter, involving Japanese politics)
Let's go back a little, to the late summer of 1941. Near Ogishi, Suginami, Tokyo, Seishirō Itagaki was enjoying the cool air at his villa.
They say that those who are generous are blessed, and this is certainly true. After the defeat in North China, Chief of Staff Seishirō Itagaki, Army Minister Hideki Tojo, and Director of Education Otozo Yamada were all forced to resign. All three went to the palace to apologize to the Emperor and submitted their resignations. Although Emperor Showa never approved these resignations, they were now considered "guilty men" and sinners of the Imperial State.
As a result, Tojo Hideki dutifully found someone to pack up his personal belongings in a rattan box at his office and move them home, acting like a laid-off Imperial social animal. Yamada Ozo locked himself up at home, practicing calligraphy, reading, and listening to the radio, daring not to see anyone, becoming a Showa-era otaku. Only Itagaki seemed quite relaxed: he had his servants buy a beach chair and a parasol at the market, set up an electric fan nearby, and donned the large frog-shaped glasses he'd bought in North China, then basked in the sun in the small courtyard of his villa.
"Sir, I'm sorry to bother you," the secretary reported quietly, "According to the previous appointment, President Suzuki will be here in half an hour."
"Ah—I see." Itagaki Seishirō pushed his sunglasses up over the front half of his bald head and said, "Go get a few bottles of wine and prepare a quiet room." "The sea."
The Planning Agency is a relatively young but crucial political institution in Japan. It was formed during the tenure of Fumimaro Konoe by merging the Cabinet's Resources Bureau and Planning Agency. It is responsible for formulating national power development plans and coordinating Japan's industrial, transportation, communications, and armaments development.
In general, the Planning Agency served as a bridge between the zaibatsu and the military, acting as a link between the upper and lower levels and playing a crucial role in Japan's war effort. Born under a system of national unity, the president of the Planning Agency, a key advisor, held a crucial position in the planning process. Suzuki Sadaichi, in particular, had previously enjoyed the Emperor's favor and played a significant role in the military, so a bit of arrogance wasn't a problem.
At this moment, the president was dressed in a suit, the scent of gunpowder from his military career almost gone. He didn't even look like he'd once championed the May 15th criminals. His cautious and humble demeanor truly resembled that of a small vendor. "Going south? No, we simply don't want to waste Ambassador Nomura's efforts."
Mr. Nomura was Kichisaburo Nomura, then Japan's ambassador to the United States. In April 1942, it was he who, as a "civilian," secretly met with the United States and negotiated the "Japan-US Understanding."
"Since we've already negotiated a settlement with the United States, if we follow it, we can not only preserve our interests in China and end the Sino-Japanese Incident, but also move south peacefully." Two Western-style Showa politicians sat in Itagaki's small villa, leisurely sipping the annual limited edition Suntory whiskey. Suzuki Sadaichi stated his purpose directly. "This is fantastic! We can gain benefits without war. Why must we resort to military force and waste the national treasury?"
Itagaki didn't answer directly, but picked up the iced glass and took a sip.
He knew about the "Japan-US Understanding Bill". As early as April 1936, the "Japan-US Understanding Bill" was announced to be negotiated: the United States would recognize the Empire's interests in "Manchuria", recognize that Japan could "utilize Southeast Asian resources" in a peaceful manner, and would mediate the relationship between the Wang Jingwei and Chiang Kai-shek governments. Japan needed to withdraw from the Axis Alliance, withdraw part of the Japanese troops in the interior, and declare its occupied areas open to American goods", and give up economic interests.
In theory, this was indeed a good opportunity to escape from the Sino-Japanese Incident, but...
Itagaki put down his glass and asked, "But, Suzuki-san, the matter of the truce has been going on for months, and the two countries have yet to sign a treaty. Today, the US froze our assets there and imposed an oil embargo on us. Is there any hope for this?"
The Imperial Conference on July 2nd had already finalized the "Outline of Imperial National Policy Adapting to the Evolving Situation," confirming the Empire's southward advance. But was a so-called peaceful southward advance still possible? he wondered.
-------one
"Going south is national policy. It is the foundation of the Empire's survival and self-defense, and the core key to the Empire's establishment of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Therefore, we must promote reconciliation between Japan and the United States.
Suzuki Sadaichi spoke in an official tone, then lowered his voice, saying, "As for the delay, Itagaki-kun, are you aware that the memorandum of understanding was submitted to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in mid-April? The two countries have yet to sign a treaty, but the blame lies not with the US, but with the troublemakers and treacherous individuals in our country who have brought things to this point!"
"Oh? I've been staying at home lately, so I don't know."
Itagaki couldn't help but shrug when he heard this: "What a troublemaker!" was how people at the time described him during the Manchurian Incident. Was Suzuki here to call him to task? He calmly picked up the wine bottle and said, "Suzuki-san, please..."
"Ah, thank you." Suzuki Sadaichi took the glass filled with ice from Itagaki Seishiro, poured whiskey in it, shook it in his hand, and drank it down. With a thud, he put the glass on the table and raised his voice:
"This villain is none other than Matsuoka Yosuke!
"That Matsuoka is incessantly fickle. Last year, he advocated an alliance with Doku-I, advancing east and west to carve up Russia. Earlier this year, he went to Chilu to instigate neutrality between Japan and Russia, advocating a southward advance, shouting, 'Don't miss the bus!' On the day Doku-I declared war, he even sneaked into the palace at night, attempting to bypass important ministers and deceive Your Majesty into declaring war on Russia, disregarding the national policy established by the Imperial Conference. Such a fickle villain, undaunted as a minister of state, acts like a clown, a true misfortune for the Empire!"
Suzuki Sadakazu scolded the then Foreign Minister Matsumamo Yosuke, then changed his tone and described it with hope: "Why go to Russia? Siberia is a bitterly cold place, even colder than Hokkaido. Not only are the resources scarce, the land is vast and sparsely populated, and it's impossible to grow rice.
"But Southeast Asia is different! The sun is shining, the land is fertile, and it's not just for growing rice, but also for producing cocoa, coffee, rubber, and tin. I've even heard that Borneo's crude oil is so high-quality that it barely needs smelting and can be used to power transport vessels... If we can peacefully seize it, it will be a crucial step towards the Empire's dream of shared prosperity, a unified world under one ruler."
Itagaki didn't respond, but simply grabbed a few edamame to go with his drink and popped them into his mouth. Suzuki Sadaichi also calmed down a bit, and when he saw Itagaki was silent, he sighed.
It's a pity that the Imperial State's strength is insufficient... Mr. Itagaki, you too experienced the development of Manchuria and Mongolia. Even the thick black rice in Manchuria required investment to grow rice. If the Imperial State wishes to develop the various resources of Southeast Asia, it will also require financial investment.
"But right now... honestly, where does the Ministry of Finance have any extra treasury left? Purchasing supplies from abroad for the Empire costs money, investing in Korea and (pseudo) Manchuria also costs money, and supporting the Sino-Japanese Incident also costs money. North China is spending especially much on special war expenses, and it's not even enough to collect enough food for its own needs. The Ministry of Finance even has to go to Macau to buy wheat for them.
"The ally of the Solitary State sent several telegrams demanding that the Empire fulfill its ally obligations, declare war on Russia, and march into Siberia... But they're so stingy, refusing even a few tens of thousands of Reichsmarks... What good is an ally like that? Furthermore, the Solitary State disregarded the alliance and the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact by rashly declaring war, placing the Empire in a position of disloyalty and injustice."
"In this regard, Japan is far inferior to the United States. The United States has at least promised to provide a low-interest loan of 100 million US dollars if a Japan-US rapport is reached." Suzuki Sadaichi sighed, imagining how much he and the Planning Agency would get if the money really came in. "That would be great! If this could really happen..."
———-————
The empire has no money, so it has to go out and rob money.
But robbing money comes at a cost: the army has to be deployed, fight, occupy, and then the resources seized need to be invested in development, which also costs money.
But now the Ministry of Finance is out of money. Not only is it out of money, it may have to keep spending money abroad: the development of the Northeast may barely balance income and expenditure, but Korea, the interior... all require a lot of money.
No wonder the Planning Agency was so invested in a seemingly economical and "peaceful" way to reach Southeast Asia. Itagaki Seishirō reflected that, as a former supporter of the northward movement, he wasn't actually vehemently opposed to the southward movement: Imperial strategy and all that, was probably just a matter of weighing mutual interests.
Looking at Chief Planner Suzuki, who was already immersed in distributing future profits before even starting the project, Itagaki Seishirō suddenly felt that this scene was somewhat familiar: Was it the same when he had previously judged the KMT-CCP collaboration and decided to advance the Bo Plan?
But what does that matter?
Mr. Suzuki is the director of the Planning Institute. He came to me for this matter, so he naturally had something to ask for, and this request could naturally bring me something I wanted. Itagaki Seishirō, with his political acumen, sensed some unspoken subtext. His eyebrows lifted, and his entire face shifted to an expression of surprise and understanding.
"Suzuki-san, I see." He clinked his glasses again cordially, deciding to move on. "So, what do we need to do?"
"Our use already represents our attitude." Upon hearing this, a smile spread across Suzuki Sadaichi's face. He immediately took the whiskey glass and drank it all. "The most urgent thing is to get that capricious, erratic villain Matsuoka out of the cabinet and sign the Japan-USA accord of understanding as soon as possible!"
"After the reconciliation between Japan and the United States, the American loan arrived, and the Empire once again moved south - US dollars, the South Pacific, such a huge interest, the Navy will definitely jump out and interfere -
- I think, if you are not a person who always holds the responsibility, can convince the public, and is also very fair, then you will definitely
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