Conservatives believe that the existing system should be modified. Based on the situations of the Nanchang and Shanghai Nationalist governments, some departments should be added or reduced, and then these departments should be relocated to the central level.

The more radical ones believe that the existing system should be overthrown, the entire government organizational structure should be designed from scratch, and the relationship between the party and the government should be re-planned;

Some even more radicalized people believed that they should learn from the United States or the Soviet Union and bring in warlords like Chen Jitang, Yang Hucheng, and Fan Shisheng who were willing to cooperate with the CCP to establish the Chinese Federal Government... (Something similar actually happened in history.)

The third view was extremely rare and was criticized, but the first and second views each gained considerable support, and the debate quickly turned into a debate between "Soviet-style party-state integration" and "American-style party-state separation."

The two sides began a fierce debate and integration, and what was finally formed was the set in front of us:

"The Party committee studies and leads, the government plans and implements, we uphold the absolute leadership of the Party, and the government takes the lead in administration."

If Mark knew, he would be very surprised that the CCP unexpectedly embarked on a path that it took many years after the reform and opening up to slowly explore and mature.

The Party does not take charge of everything, but it must lead everything; the Party cannot replace the government, but it must supervise the administration.

The party can interfere in administrative affairs, but only at an abstract level... and so on.

Although this exploration is still ongoing, it has indeed gained initial recognition and compromise from the vast majority of the party's top leaders. After all, no one knows what the future path will be, so why not just give it a try?

(Before the reforms, the CCP took the path of "the party takes care of everything," which resulted in many problems. After the reforms, American-style liberal democratic ideas were introduced, and the bad tendency of "the party cannot take charge of things" emerged again.)

As a result, Nanchang City now has two teams at the same time - the Nanchang Municipal Party Committee that leads everything and the Nanchang Municipal Government that manages everything. How the two sides will cooperate in the future remains to be seen.

"... Appoint alternate Central Committee member Luo Ming as Secretary of the Nanchang Municipal Party Committee, and alternate Central Committee member Comrade Chen Yun as Mayor of Nanchang Municipal Government... All Central Committee members and alternate Central Committee members, please vote on this resolution."

Luo Ming, the protagonist of the famous "Luo Ming Line" in history, was suppressed for supporting Li Desheng's correct proposal on how to deal with the encirclement and suppression. Now, because Li Desheng has escaped from the predicament, he has suddenly become popular.

Chen Yun was chosen as mayor mainly because he had worked in Shanghai for a long time, was flexible and not rigid, and had his own views on economic work, so he was entrusted with the important task.

Because sufficient communication had been conducted before, the candidates were basically "predetermined" and were quickly passed unanimously.

The second thing is the decision to remove Comrade Li Desheng from his posts as Chairman of the Military Commission of the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Base Area and to appoint Comrade Dong Biwu to relevant posts.

There’s nothing much to say about this.

After leading the corps to the north to fight against the Japanese, Li Desheng's position in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area had become nominal, and he did not have enough energy to send telegrams to remotely manage affairs in the south, so someone had to replace him.

After much consideration and determining that the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area would have to play the role of "bridging the gap, controlling Wuhan, and maintaining a presence in central China" for a long time to come, the Central Committee decided to send Dong Biwu there.

This old man, who is nearly fifty years old, has been working in Wuhan for a long time since 1911. The party organizations in Wuhan were basically established by him. He has experience in armed struggle and a steady personality. He is indeed the most suitable candidate at present.

As for Li Desheng, he of course led the troops heading north to continue the fight against the Japanese and to open up new bases along the way (seize territory (bushi)).

As a result, Li Desheng "lost" the relevant position in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area that he had held for only a few months.

It was passed unanimously.

The third thing is about the formal promulgation and implementation of laws such as the Labor Law and relevant proposals on the "leave system and labor insurance system."

As for other aspects of the Labor Law, I have already introduced them in detail in the previous article and will not elaborate on them here. However, there is a lot of debate both inside and outside the Party about the vacation system.

First up is vacation.

One side believes that we are now in a critical period of the revolution and that everyone should devote all their enthusiasm to the vigorous revolution. If we take so many holidays, it will be easy for people to slack off. What will happen to the revolutionary cause?

One side believes that people are not machines and have limited energy. They cannot just work without a life and cannot work non-stop. If this continues, big problems will definitely arise. Are revolutionaries no longer workers?

Most of those who supported the first view were party members, and most of them were high-ranking party members. Most of those who supported the second view were ordinary party members and employees. The debate between the two sides was very fierce.

However, because the atmosphere within the party was not as tense as before, everyone finally reached a certain degree of compromise on this issue:

After all, revolutionaries are also workers and human beings, so the laws regarding workers certainly apply to them. They also need to rest and take vacations to relax their bodies and minds.

Therefore, under normal circumstances, the Labor Law should still be followed and necessary vacations should still be taken, but party members and cadres should take the lead and voluntarily give up rest and vacation when work requires it, while other ordinary employees are not required to do so.

In this way, the holiday regulations of "7 days of full holiday for New Year's Eve and Spring Festival + 3 days of rotating duty leave, 3 days of holiday each for Qingming Festival, May Day, and National Day" were determined.

To be honest, Mark, who was behind Comrade Ma Shiwu, played a big role in this matter, and could even be said to be the main "mastermind" behind it.

If it weren't for the so-called "World Revolutionary Party"'s strong intervention, the CCP, facing conditions so harsh that even survival was difficult, would never have the leisure to discuss the issue of vacation. Even during the Chinese New Year, they had to keep their eyes wide open to guard against enemies, let alone other things?

But then again, as someone who has been tormented by that damned, bastard-like, time-off system for decades, Mark has developed a deep resentment towards China being the country with the fewest holidays and the longest working hours in the world.

If the current environment wasn't really unsuitable, he would have wanted to take a few days off for Lantern Festival, Dragon Boat Festival, Mid-Autumn Festival, Double Ninth Festival, Laba Festival, New Year's Eve... and even use up all the annual leave.

If that doesn't work, then we can plant the seeds in the hearts of these founding fathers first, and when the conditions are right in the future, we can slowly make changes. This way, we won't end up in the same mess that happened in later generations.

(The environment at that time really did not allow it. In order to save the country, the nation and the people, many people even sacrificed their families, not to mention a simple holiday. It was completely different from a certain era.)

(I'll just name a few of the people who fiercely opposed the Labor Law back then: almost all private enterprises in Guangdong and Zhejiang, major comprador groups in Shanghai, the European Chamber of Commerce, Liu Chuanzhi, Zhang Wuchang, Huawei...)

(Many people might not have expected that, aside from Liu Chuanzhi and Zhang Wuchang, there's also Huawei, and it's the smartest and most fiercest of all the opponents;)

(Before the Labor Law came into effect on January 1, 08, Huawei forced nearly 1 veteran employees to resign and re-sign contracts to avoid the "risk" of "signing multiple labor contracts," severely slapping the Central Committee and the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the face;)

(So, don’t be superstitious about any company, don’t form the so-called “XX belief” in any company. Capital is always capital, and there must always be someone to give it a slap in the face from time to time to make it behave, otherwise it will go to hell.)

(I bet that Huawei will be forced to split up by the state in the future. It’s not because of this slap in the face incident, but because such a large high-tech company will become very dangerous once it gains certain power.)

Then there is the labor insurance system.

To be honest, when this concept was first proposed, the entire Chinese Communist Party was confused: What is this?

Of course it is the famous "five insurances and one fund"!

Although it is absolutely impossible to have a provident fund, you can still consider pension, medical care, unemployment, work-related injuries, and childbirth.

After understanding the situation and discussing it, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China finally decided to pilot the work-related injury system on a small scale first.

There is no way. There are only a few hospitals and doctors. Talking about medical insurance is really too extravagant.

unemployment?

Where is the concept of unemployment now?

Now we are worried that there are not enough people who can do things and get things done!

The various construction projects that are about to begin will absorb half of Nanchang's young and middle-aged working population. As long as you have hands and feet, why would you be afraid of unemployment?

And retirement is too far away for everyone. No one has considered how to do it. Now the average life expectancy of the national population is not even 40 years old. How to determine the retirement age?

As for the issue of maternity insurance, it was brought up, but something extremely difficult happened to someone far away in Northeast China:

Led by Ms. Cai Chang, the sister of Cai Hesen, who served as the head of the Organization Department and Women's Work Department of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee, a large number of women comrades expressed strong opposition to this, arguing that:

Why should we be given privileges?

Why should we take such an extra vacation just for having children? Why shouldn't we continue to fight in our revolutionary posts?

Can I stop working after having a baby?

I can work and take care of the kids at the same time! What do you mean by giving me vacation?

Why do you look down on us? Are you discriminating against women?

Deng Yingchao, who just got pregnant, also expressed doubts about this and said:

Granting such privileges will not only fail to help women find jobs, but will cause more entrepreneurs to reduce or stop hiring women, because such privileges for women obviously come at a high cost.

When entrepreneurs calculate costs and discover that the labor costs of men are far lower than those of women, they will actively reduce the number of women they employ, which in turn causes even more women to be unable to find employment. This cannot be prevented by laws.

If women cannot participate in labor, they cannot obtain economic rights, and without economic rights they cannot be liberated. So this is not helping them, but harming them.

Ms. Zhang Qinqiu, the wife of Shen Zemin, who was far away in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area, also believed that to truly liberate women, it was not about giving them privileges, but about allowing them to obtain the same labor rights, social rights, and political rights as men.

In short, men and women must be treated the same, without being treated differently.

Mark never expected that this group of women would think so far and be so "sensitive". They were completely different from the fairies in later generations.

This is what a true independent woman is!

As a result, maternity insurance and related rights clauses naturally failed to pass. Ultimately, only work-related injury insurance received unanimous approval. However, the CCP had yet to fully grasp the specific implementation and potential problems, so they decided to conduct a pilot program first.

The fourth thing is about releasing Hu Zongnan and other captured Kuomintang generals... The fifth thing is about establishing...

In this way, over the next three days, the senior leaders of the CPC Central Committee reviewed various recent major events that required collective decision-making one after another, and everything went very smoothly.

Until one last thing:

"Next, let's discuss the issue of war strategy against Japan."

Li Desheng narrowed his eyes slightly.

369 The truth is in the hands of a few people

The overall strategy for fighting against Japan.

Yes, although the main force in the war against Japan is the "Northward Corps" led by Li Desheng, and his power is very great, he can even decide the appointment and removal of cadres and the establishment of organizational structures along the way;

But this does not mean that he can make decisions on all matters, especially when it comes to things like Japan strategy that involve the central government, which must be decided by the central collective.

This is a matter of organizational discipline.

Li Desheng had already submitted his thoughts on this point to the Central Committee, and Wu Hao still brought it up, which only proves one thing:

The central government had no unanimous opinion on the anti-Japanese strategy, and there were considerable differences of opinion on his strategic considerations.

In fact, before arriving in Nanchang, Li Desheng had already vaguely sensed the thoughts of some people in the central government, so he visited the "Xingtuan University" and the troops many times to conduct research and listen to the most honest opinions of commanders and local cadres.

As expected, there were countless people who held the same view as He Wei. It was only because Li Desheng led the Red Army northward to successive victories that no one jumped out to complain or even disobey orders.

But the central government is different.

After all, Li Desheng was just a member of the Central Committee, a member of the Central Political Bureau, a member of the Standing Committee of the Central Political Bureau, and the Chairman of the Soviet Government. He was the same as everyone else and it was impossible for him to convince everyone.

Now it seems that the resurgence of the "quick victory theory" should have started from the central government and high-level leading cadres, spread all the way to local and grassroots levels, and then reversed to the central government.

Ugh...

In the words of Comrade Ma Shiwu, this series of victories in Wuhan, Nanchang, and northern Shaanxi has made many people feel that they can do it again...

As expected, when it came to the question of fighting against Japan, Xiang Ying, Peng Dehuai, Lin Biao, Nie Rongzhen, Chen Yi, Ye Jianying, He Long, Guan Xiangying, Liu Zhixun... one after another jumped out;

It can be said that, with the exception of Xu Xiangqian, Xu Jishen and others in the north, almost all the military cadres who attended the meeting expressed dissatisfaction with the "slow pace of anti-Japanese resistance," believing that:

We should launch a larger-scale and more intense war against Japan. At the same time, we should unite with Yan Xishan or simply take over large cities such as Taiyuan, use the North China Plain as our base and rear area, and resist the impending invasion of the Japanese army step by step.

That is, a very small number of military cadres such as General Zhu, Liu Bocheng and Zhao Bosheng remained silent and never spoke, neither opposing nor supporting.

Then Ren Bishi and Wang Jiaxiang, who returned to Nanchang with Litvinov, and many cadres with close ties to the military expressed similar opinions.

Similarly, only a very small number of people, such as Wu Hao and Qu Qiubai, did not speak.

Of course, although their opinions differed from Li Desheng's, because of the great victory in Wuhan, everyone expressed them more tactfully. Even the straightforward Peng Dehuai and Wang Jiaxiang only raised objections in the form of suggestions, without directly opposing them.

Li Desheng was not angry that his opinion was once again unanimously rejected by everyone.

On the one hand, he had long understood that it was almost impossible to get everyone to work together. There would always be differences in some aspects, and getting angry was useless.

On the one hand, during his time in the north, where he enjoyed the vast seas and leaps of fish, he gradually developed his temper and no longer got anxious or angry over different opinions.

On the one hand, he knew that not all of the cadres before him were speaking the truth, but they were representing the will of the army behind them, and sometimes they had to speak;

Finally, while caution is a good thing, the entire CCP is now composed almost entirely of military personnel. If they are so cautious that they lose the courage to bravely attack and defeat the enemy, what kind of military personnel are they? What kind of revolution are they?

However, even with so many considerations, even if no one agrees, Li Desheng still firmly believes that his opinion is correct.

Fortunately, I was prepared in advance.

After patiently listening to everyone's opinions, Li Desheng cleared his throat slightly when he saw Wu Hao's gaze. He took out a document from the briefcase seized from Liu Zhi and asked:

"Comrades, please take a moment to listen to my report on the Wuhan Campaign."

After hearing this, everyone became more serious.

Although we had gained a preliminary understanding of the entire process of this battle through telegrams and battle reports, it was ultimately impossible to be comprehensive. Only by hearing from the true supreme commander could we gain a deeper understanding.

Li Desheng walked to the front of the stage and gave a detailed report on how the Battle of Wuhan broke out, how he commanded it, what happened in the middle, the movement trajectory of the army, and a series of considerations behind it.

Of course, he was not trying to brag about how exquisite his command art was or how brilliantly he fought the battle, but to tell the comrades in front of him how much "water" there was in the so-called "Wuhan Victory".

This "water" does not mean that the numbers or battle reports are falsified, but that the final battle results exceeded everyone's expectations, and there was indeed a large element of luck involved.

Soon, some more perceptive generals discovered this problem.

If the "two Hes" (He Yingqin and He Chengrong) had not concealed the news that the planes had been seized and that the Red Army's air force, with its astonishing combat effectiveness, had passed by, Chairman Chiang Kai-shek would not have been so confident and bold as to personally go to Wuhan to command the battle.

If it weren't for Comrade Ma Shiwu and Long Wenguang who crushed the Nationalist Air Force in Wuhan and seized the remaining aircraft at the airport to gain air superiority, Chiang Kai-shek wouldn't have been bombed at the Wuhan Auditorium.

If the Great Hall had not been bombed and Chiang Kai-shek had not been repeatedly provoked by the Red Army Air Force and the peripheral forces such as General He, he would not have been so furious that he would not have abandoned his initial strategy of "deep deployment, parallel advance, step-by-step, and suppressing as we advance."

If Chiang Kai-shek had not been so angry that he lost his mind and made all kinds of micromanagement, Li Desheng would never have had the opportunity to command his troops to treat a large number of nationalist troops like dogs, and then eat them up after they were exhausted and died.

If these originally excellent and practical strategies had not been abandoned, even if the Red Army had been able to break the encirclement and suppression, it would have certainly suffered heavy casualties.

If it weren't for Chiang Kai-shek's concern for his reputation and the fact that he was accidentally injured in a bombing and forced to be treated in a hospital, the Red Fourth Front Army would have never had the opportunity to surround and enter the three towns of Wuhan and "plunder" them.

If not...

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