Germany does not seek survival

Otto Hahn, director of the Imperial Institute of Chemistry and a close friend of Einstein who also signed the "Address to the Europeans" opposing the war;

……

All in all, the "experts" that Rathenau brought to Faustral were indeed heavyweights. They were either technical managers of world-class companies or authoritative professors in the fields of economics and chemistry.

Since the Tyrol Uprising, the National Socialist Party has gradually become well-known throughout Germany and Europe. However, in the eyes of the intellectual community, the National Socialist Party is more of a military party and a one-man party of Faust. It is difficult for Faust alone to attract these expert figures in the financial and industrial fields.

Of course, Faust would not easily believe Rathenau.

Can a wealthy Jewish boss really believe in socialism?

Faust is very skeptical.

Faust intends to "controllably use" these experts and give them important high-level positions, but he also needs to arrange for the Party Committee to supervise these people.

Faust sat on the chair in the General Staff that originally belonged to Hindenburg. The whole city of Berlin was now faintly filled with a strange atmosphere that made people dare not get too close.

It's hard to explain, but it can elicit a lot of words from many politicians, or just silence...

Faust folded his fingers, sat in a chair and whispered, "Rome, Paris, London, I always think of the difference between these cities and Berlin."

The economic experts brought by Rathenau are now in the General Staff Building. The person whose political stance is closest to the Left-Wing Coalition is Hilferding, who was previously a member of the Independent Party.

Hilferding sat down in a chair nearest Faust and said, "What are you thinking about, Herr Faust?"

Faust placed a hand on the map of Berlin on the table and said, "Berlin is completely different from them. It's not old. In the middle of the 13th century, it was just a small trading center. It was founded a full two thousand years later than Rome, more than a thousand later than London, and more than six hundred years later than Paris. But Berlin just looks older than any of them, doesn't it?"

No one could fathom Faust's intentions. Professor Hilferding tentatively asked, "Berlin, the capital, is the birthplace of the Prussian spirit. The city itself is the cradle of German conservatism. Do you want to move the capital?"

Faust smiled and said, "Moving the capital! What a great idea! Berlin became the capital of the German Empire only in the 1870s, and this city has only been the capital of all of Germany in the past half century."

The intellectual enlightenment movement in Berlin was much slower, more tortuous and more hidden than that in Paris. But why was it that in this backward state, spiritual giants such as Lessing, Kant, Hegel and Feuerbach quietly emerged and dominated Europe?

Some people say that all Western philosophy is written in German, but others believe that philosophy born in German tends to be conservative.

However, most of the most radical communist theory was also written primarily in German.

Goethe once said that Germans are very rational as individuals, but as a whole they often lose their way. The question is, what force can make rational individuals lose their way so neatly?

Germany, Germany, has experienced a mixture of honor and disgrace, separation and reunion since the early modern period in Europe, when the unity of theocracy was still being practiced. It has been a mixture of honor and disgrace, separation and reunion since the "Thirty Years' War" in the 17th century. The two countries fought fiercely with each other, which greatly damaged the authority of the Pope and forced people to once again seek territory and sovereignty with the concept of "nation-state".

Nations gained importance through war, and wars were justified by nations. The concept of the "nation-state" was originally defined by the smoke of gunfire. The Napoleonic Wars intensified this narrative. Yet, as Hegel noted, France, Britain, and Russia had all become unified sovereign states, while the Germanic nation had not yet.

This made Hegel anxious and he began to call for the state, imbuing it with a series of ultimate concepts. Hegel believed that the state was the realization of the national spirit and therefore should have the final say. He even affirmed that Prussia was the best state that embodied the "absolute spirit."

Rathenau approached the issue from a political perspective, saying, "If Mr. Faust were to propose moving the capital, it would indeed be a brilliant strategy. Moving the capital away from Berlin would avoid the remaining influence of the old empire. Berlin's geographical location is also unfavorable, making it vulnerable to attacks from the royalists in East Prussia. If the capital could be moved south, it would be most beneficial to the National Socialist Party."

In the short term, the National Socialist Party would certainly not be able to push for a resolution to move the capital, and it would also be impossible to use relocation of the capital to deal with an imminent coup.

Ten French provinces were fought or occupied during World War I, leaving vast swathes of the country's northeast in ruins. Worse still, the number of males aged eighteen to twenty-seven in the French population had fallen by a quarter.

France's original national strength was weaker than Germany's. After the devastation of the war, the gap in strength between France and Germany did not narrow, but widened.

Even Faust could guess that the French would do everything they could to weaken Germany. Provoking a civil war in Germany was only the first step. The ultimate goal of the French was to completely split Germany and occupy most of the Rhineland.

For Britain, the future of French hegemony was as terrifying as that of pre-war Germany.

Even if ordinary British civilians demanded some form of punishment for Germany, the British government might not agree. Britain's punishment of Germany would definitely be limited, mainly to end Germany's overseas colonies and destroy and greatly weaken Germany's navy.

An impoverished, possibly even Bolshevised, Germany was not in Britain's best interests.

Faust thought deeply. He knew that the interests of France and Britain were not exactly the same. As for the Americans, after the war, it would be almost impossible for the US military to return to the European continent on a large scale.

"England might be inclined to strike at the East Prussian regime, and France would certainly be inclined to strike at the Berlin regime."

The French will not easily support Albert, but what if the British insist on making aid to Albert a prerequisite for peace?

Faust could not gamble on France's inclination. Based on his own feelings and the intelligence collected by the Stasi, all aspects seemed to indicate that the Allied intervention was imminent, and Albert's coup was almost certain to happen.

And the time is also very certain. If it was not the end of December 1918, it was most likely January 1919.

Faust looked at the crowd and said, "You are all experts in the economic field. Mr. Rathenau recommended you to me simply because he hoped to use your intellectual resources to rebuild the country. The situation in Berlin is already very tense today. Before the election of the Constitutional Assembly, anything can happen."

Rathenau asked cautiously, "Mr. Faust, do you think there will be a military coup in Berlin?"

Faust shook his head. "I'm not sure, but the possibility is growing. Even without a military coup, there's a high probability of widespread street violence before and after the Constituent Assembly elections. If you don't have strong political ideas, I don't want you to stay in Berlin now."

The experts introduced by Rathenau looked at each other, and were all shocked by what Faust said.

Because apart from some senior leaders of the left-wing coalition, most ordinary people in Berlin actually rarely feel that a new civil war is approaching.

Rathenau was anxious and couldn't help but cut another cigar and lit it. His CEO style was always different from Faust.

"Mr. Faust, tell me frankly, what are the chances of a military coup in Berlin?"

Faust said calmly, "Eighty percent... No, as of today, the possibility of a coup has increased to ninety percent."

"Nine percent!"

Such a high probability almost means that a coup is bound to happen.

Rathenau slapped his forehead fiercely: "Damn it! I still have a lot of property in Berlin."

Rathenau had too many industries. Given the status of General Electric in Germany, his losses were inevitable as long as a civil war broke out in Germany. Even if Faust won the Battle of Berlin, Rathenau would still lose a large number of industries in other regions.

The situation was much better for Robert Bosch's Bosch and Schott's Zeiss, both of which were still not as large as Germany's General Electric at that time.

Most of Bosch's factories are concentrated in Stuttgart, the capital of Württemberg in southern Germany. Most of Zeiss's factories, research institutes and laboratories are concentrated in cities such as Leipzig, Weimar and Jena in the central German states of Thuringia and Saxony, and will not be greatly affected by the fall of Berlin.

Faust said, "I will arrange vehicles to transfer some important people, machinery and equipment out of Berlin first."

Rathenau said in distress, "My factory is too large. I can't move much in such a short time, and it would make too much noise."

Faust spread his hands. "The Wehrmacht will do everything in its power to assist you, experts. If you wish, I can arrange transportation to Munich for you."

Faust was not sure how much aid the Allies would give to Albert. If the Allies' intervention was really large, the Wehrmacht would only have one division in Berlin and one division in Leipzig. Even with Faust's ability, he could only protect himself and had no absolute certainty of being able to defend Berlin.

"Now we have to make some preparations in advance."

Chapter 196 Offensive Strategy

Faust told Rathenau, "Mr. Rathenau, please give me a list of important scholars, experts, and critical machinery and equipment that you wish to transfer to the South... I will reserve ten train cars for you. As for the timeframe, it's until Christmas Eve. I believe this is the final deadline. After Christmas Eve, every day will be unsafe, and war could break out at any time."

Rathenau was somewhat helpless. As one of the top five richest men in Germany, his personal thoughts were indeed inclined towards many socialist concepts. For example, in terms of economy, he supported the control and coordination of the planned economy. In terms of nationality, as a Jew, he especially supported internationalism. However, if he really wanted to be completely bound to Faust and the National Socialist Party, it would still be an uncertain future.

First, Rathenau was not sure whether the National Socialist Party could win the world. Second, Rathenau was not sure whether there would still be a suitable position for people like him after the National Socialist Party’s revolutionary victory!

It's still hard to say.

Rathenau gritted his teeth. He had been in close contact with Faust recently. If a military coup really broke out, what Rathenau would have to worry about would not be the factory, not the industry, and certainly not his future political prospects, but his own life.

Since the November Revolution, the revolutionaries on the streets of Berlin have been of mixed quality. Most of them have only a superficial inclination towards some broad concepts of socialism, but there are very few truly determined socialist revolutionaries. On the contrary, many people have shown a tendency to be more anti-Semitic than anti-capitalist in the process of opposing capitalism.

No matter how much Rathenau, the Jewish tycoon, contributed to Germany in the past, there are definitely many people in Berlin who want to kill him now.

What Rathenau should have worried about most was that if civil war broke out and Berlin's fragile order collapsed, any gangster could take his life.

This world is a material world, and a material world means that people will die if they are killed. No matter how rich you are or how much you manage the economic system of a country, you are nothing more than a mortal body and can be killed by a bullet.

This sentence is the same for everyone, not only the super-rich, but also for politicians.

Rathenau asked worriedly, "If the situation is so critical, Mr. Faust, when will you leave Berlin?"

Faust raised his eyebrows and smiled slightly: "Friends, I am different, I am different from you. I am a soldier, a warrior. I will stay in Berlin until the last moment. Don't worry, if I don't want to die, no one can kill me."

Faust had arranged seats on the National Economic Socialization Committee for the experts he had brought to Rathenau in Munich, and trains and buses were arriving day and night, and they would soon be able to be taken to the south.

Faust urged, "Everyone, please make a decision quickly. We don't have much time left. Today, right here, please make a decision whether to go to Munich."

Rathenau and the other experts looked at each other. They all heard the seriousness of the matter from Faust's tone, and they had no choice at this time.

Professor Hilferding was originally Austrian, so going south meant returning to his hometown, which was not a big problem. Robert Bosch was from Württemberg, and he was more worried that the Allied forces would take advantage of the chaos to occupy Württemberg. Everyone had different opinions, and finally Rathenau made the final decision, and everyone had to take the Wehrmacht military vehicles to Munich first.

Before leaving, Rathenau shook hands with Faust and said, "I have too many assets in Berlin. I can't move all my factories to Munich in such a short time. I want to stay in Berlin and wait and see the situation, at least until the last day."

Faust smiled and said, "You speak very sincerely and honestly. The situation today is unclear. You can wait and see. I will send troops to protect you. Once the coup troops begin to act, I still hope that you can set off for Munich immediately."

Rathenau nodded. "You too, Herr Faust, may God bless you and your career."

"God?" Faust smiled. "If God can protect his Son, he should be able to protect me."

Waves of white snowflakes blew across the square. Faust bid farewell to Rathenau and his group. The experts all got on several cars dispatched by the Wehrmacht. Later, Faust would arrange a special military train to transport important machinery and equipment from General Electric, Zeiss, and Bosch in their Berlin factories.

Some of the officers in the General Staff building were mainly auxiliary personnel in map surveying, equipment research and military history research. Faust also arranged vehicles and prepared to send a group of people back to Munich in the next few days.

Leaving the auxiliary officers in Berlin would not be of much help in the subsequent war. Sending them back to the rear and handing them over to Paulus to build the Wehrmacht's own general staff would allow them to play a greater role.

Faust handled various matters quickly. The atmosphere in Berlin was depressing, and the imminent pressure made him want to go faster and faster.

We have to start a race against time.

The Stasi was also collecting intelligence everywhere, but news from the Western Front suddenly decreased in recent days.

Originally, due to the split between Ludendorff and Hindenburg, the military headquarters on the Western Front became very chaotic. Many officers who remained on the Western Front were actually dissatisfied with Ludendorff and held great resentment. The Stasi could easily obtain very useful intelligence from these people.

In the past few days, intelligence from the Western Front has been dwindling. Faust understands that this must mean that the German military's operations on the Western Front have been put on the agenda. Ludendorff may have begun to re-regulate the army. However, he wonders what Ludendorff's authority is and how much of his own forces he can control.

Faust pinched his chin and kept thinking. Now that it has come to this, Albert and Ludendorff are likely to form an alliance, and the National Socialist Party can no longer fight alone.

Apart from the National Socialist Party's own strength, the only non-party member that Faust can trust and find reliable is Luxemburg of the German Communist Party.

After seeing off the expert group, Faust found Luxemburg again. Luxemburg's residence in Berlin was also an apartment donated by Siemens to the provisional government.

Luxemburg's pale face had a blush of special excitement. She was holding a copy of the Times in her hand, which contained a report about Churchill.

"The British have revealed their true intentions. They have already exposed their intervention plan. The Allies will definitely send troops to disrupt the election of the Constitutional Convention."

In Luxemburg's private residence, the discussion was very heated. In addition to Luxemburg herself, there were her best friend, Madame Zetkin, and two other men. One was Paul Levi, a veteran of the Spartacus League, and the other was Radek, Luxemburg's old comrade-in-arms from the Polish Social Democratic Workers' Party.

"It's time! We can't wait any longer! The Ebert regime's offensive is getting more and more urgent. If we wait any longer and persist in being parliamentary geeks, we will all end up on the Socialist gallows."

"Look at the streets of Berlin right now. How many people are shouting for unity and peace? Citizens, workers, and soldiers are generally opposed to civil war. Everyone wants to be quiet and wait for the war to end quickly. If we launch an uprising, we will become bad people who destroy peace in the eyes of the people."

"The people have been deceived by Ebert. As the vanguard party of the revolution, the KPD must be brave enough to take the lead at this critical moment. The people are simple-minded. Once we take action, we will naturally be able to convince them to support us."

"Yes! Dissolve the Provisional Government and replace the Greater Berlin Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee with an All-German Soviet. All power will be vested in the Soviet. We will do in Berlin what the Bolsheviks did in Moscow."

"Second Revolution! The time has come to launch a Second Revolution. The KPD has so many troops in the capital. The People's Navy Division and the Red Guards are more powerful than the Peace Army. If a war breaks out, our chances of victory are very high. We also have supporters within the Peace Army. If we stand up, many of the Peace Army troops may defect and revolt."

……

In an apartment in Luxembourg, several politicians from the Luxembourg faction of the German Communist Party were arguing fiercely. Although everyone tried their best to control their voices, they could not hide the excitement in their tone.

Apart from Luxemburg and Madame Zetkin, whom Faust was familiar with, Radek was also a Pole. He had deep roots in the German Social Democratic Party, the German Communist Party, and the Bolsheviks. During the Moscow Revolution, Radek was by Lenin's side. At the same time, he was Luxemburg's closest Polish comrade-in-arms. Therefore, after the German armistice, Lenin sent Radek to Luxemburg again.

Paul Levi was a veteran of the Spartacus League, second only to Liebknecht and Luxemburg in prestige. Born into a wealthy Jewish family, he lived a life of affluence from a young age, with a butler to open the door for him. His family also housed a vast collection of Chinese antiques and jewelry. He was also a playboy, winning the hearts of many women with his handsome looks...

But it was such people who were more radical than Luxemburg during the revolution.

Basically speaking, the people gathered around Luxemburg are the most radical far-left fighters within the German Communist Party.

Of course, they all support Faust's "offensive strategy".

Attack, attack!

Chapter 197 Faust's Dream

When Luxemburg met Faust, she got straight to the point: "When do you decide to take action? We must abide by the party discipline of the German Communist Party, so we cannot act on our own. But as soon as the Wehrmacht takes the lead in raising the banner of the Second Revolution, my people will take action in the Central Committee and convince the Liebknecht faction."

Faust frowned. "It's just that Dr. Liebknecht... Dr. Liebknecht still doesn't support launching a second revolution right away."

Madame Zetkin's face was filled with worry. "Perhaps Chairman Liebknecht has other considerations for the current situation. The Chairman has never made a wrong decision. Should we wait and see?"

Paul Levi rebuked Mrs. Zetkin: "How can you say such things now? For the sake of revolution, we can no longer retreat, and we must not be afraid of death."

Paul Levi, this nobleman, had never suffered many setbacks since he was a child. After he became a left-wing revolutionary, his revolutionary stance was of course an indomitable and radical style.

Radek, representing Moscow, also said: "Ladies and gentlemen, Comrade Lenin hopes that the German Communist Party will take the initiative."

Seeing that the people in the room were about to start arguing again, Faust clapped his hands vigorously and shouted, "The National Socialist Party will hold a meeting of the Supreme Revolutionary Committee within a week. We will probably start the action before Christmas Eve. Is the KPD ready?"

Everyone in the room immediately turned their attention to Luxemburg. Luxemburg carefully examined Faust. After a while, Luxemburg shook hands with Faust.

"I will do everything in my power to convince Liebknecht and the Central Committee."

"If they fail to convince us, can the Luxemburgists fight directly alongside the Wehrmacht?"

Luxemburg really wanted to act directly alongside Faust, but the German Communist Party had its own party discipline. As a disciplined Communist Party member, she could not act alone. She had to get a resolution from the Central Committee before she could act.

Looking at Luxemburg's expression, Faust understood that even the most radical Luxemburg faction within the German Communist Party was still hesitant about whether to immediately launch an armed uprising during the Second Revolution.

Faust sighed slightly and asked, "Besides the People's Navy Division and the Red Guards in Berlin, what other foreign armed forces can you obtain? Ideally, they should be able to be transferred to Berlin in a short time."

Luxemburg asked first, "When you say a short period of time, how long is it exactly?"