Germany does not seek survival

So Sir Beatty immediately gave orders that all British ships began to retreat, first to avoid confrontation with the German army, and then to proceed slowly.

Many German warships were still accelerating. To be on the safe side, Sir Beatty ordered all British warships to retreat to the northwest. However, as the British retreated in panic, Sir Beatty realized something was wrong.

After the entire German Navy accelerated, it did not launch an attack on the British army, nor did it advance northwestward where the British mainland was located.

The German Navy was moving northeast.

Sir Bebeti's head suddenly went numb. After a long while, he hesitated and asked, "Where does the German Navy want to go?"

Most of the German ships left Wilhelmshaven in the North Sea, but the High Seas Fleet did not fight with the British army. Without firing a single shot, the entire fleet rushed towards Denmark. By the time Sir Betty realized that the Germans wanted to escape, the British army had already caught up with them. Most of the German Navy ships swarmed across the Øresund Strait in Denmark and poured into the Baltic Sea.

At the same time, some German naval warships in the port of Kiel on the Baltic Sea side also broke away from the control of the revolutionary government and rushed out of the harbor. All the warships fled to the east, and their final destination was the Gulf of Riga, which was the final destination prepared by Manstein for the High Seas Fleet.

Chapter 191: Bitter Fight

Faust did not receive a detailed report from the Stasi on Operation Rainbow until December 4th:

During the escape of the High Seas Fleet, the battleship "King" and the light cruiser "Dresden" were unable to cross the Danish Øresund Strait due to mechanical failure while crossing the North Sea. They were still caught up by the British army and sunk by artillery fire. The battlecruiser "Mackensen" was not yet completed and could not go to sea. Several royalist naval officers opened the seabed valves and watertight compartments and sank it themselves.

Most of the remaining warships successfully passed through the Danish Øresund Strait and entered the Baltic Sea. The British army did not rashly pursue them into the narrow Baltic Sea which was full of mines. After Sir Beatty realized that he had made a big mistake, he could only quickly send a telegram to London for instructions.

When the London authorities learned that almost all of the German Navy's battleships had escaped, Lloyd George was of course anxious at first and wanted to order the Royal Navy to rush directly into the Baltic Sea. The British army would chase the German army wherever it fled.

However, Churchill immediately stopped Lloyd George.

Churchill did not forget the disaster of the Battle of Gallipoli, where the British Royal Navy suffered heavy losses in the narrow bay of the Turkish Straits.

During the Battle of Gallipoli, a Turkish torpedo boat with a standard displacement of 410 tons, the Pillar of the Nation, launched a surprise attack under the cover of night. Although the British battleships were covered by a large number of destroyers that night, Turkey still managed to win by sinking the battleship Goliath.

This incident left a psychological trauma on Churchill. As everyone knows, the giant Goliath in the Bible was killed by the young David with a sling. How could the British think of naming the battleship after Goliath!

Later, German submarines sneaked into the channel and sank the British battleships "Triumph" and "Majestic".

The French battleship Bouvet and the British battleships Ocean and Irresistible were all sunk due to accidentally hitting mines. In addition, several battleships such as Agamemnon, Indomitable, Suffren and Gallura were severely damaged by mines.

The Baltic Sea is a semi-enclosed water area with a narrow sea area and complex hydrological conditions. If the British Navy rashly enters, it may really repeat the tragedy of the Battle of Gallipoli.

So Churchill tried his best to persuade Lloyd George to stop the British Navy from taking rash action, but to put pressure on the Albert government through diplomatic channels and ask the Berlin authorities to help Britain capture these escaped German warships.

Sorge was given a "winter vacation" by Faust, and the person who gave Faust the intelligence briefing today was replaced by Lieutenant Friedrich Weissen, the station chief of the Stasi in Berlin.

"Which ships of the High Seas Fleet escaped?"

Faust didn't care much about the German Navy's auxiliary ships or the many rusty old ships. He just wanted to know what happened to those new warships.

Lieutenant Weissen reported, "The Provisional Government had labeled this action by the High Seas Fleet a royalist rebellion. According to intelligence gathered by the Stasi, the royalists maintained only a minimal presence on each warship. This contributed to the apparent surprise of Operation Rainbow. The Berlin authorities were unaware of this, and neither were the British."

"During the operation, except for a very small number of warships that failed to escape due to mechanical failures, most of the capital ships headed for the Gulf of Riga."

"Our intelligence personnel in Riga have noticed that as of today, at least two Bayern-class battleships, four König-class battleships, and six station cruisers have arrived in the Gulf of Riga."

The Bayern class was the last class of battleships built by Germany during World War I. Its full load displacement was approximately 32200 tons, and it was equipped with four twin 380mm main guns and a speed of 22 knots. Its main guns were powerful and its armor protection was relatively good. Even twenty years later, as long as the fire control system was updated and anti-aircraft weapons were added, it could still serve as the core force of the fleet and perform ocean combat missions.

The same is true for the King-class battleships. Although they are slightly behind the Bayern-class battleships, as long as their air defense and anti-submarine capabilities are enhanced, they can still be used for escort or participate in small-scale naval battles twenty years later.

As for those battlecruisers, they are originally of the highest value, and their speed can basically reach 25 knots or above 26 knots. Twenty years later, their speed and firepower will still be considered to have certain advantages, and they can also be used for anti-shipping operations.

Faust was very pleased that the High Seas Fleet's escape was so smooth.

However, on the other hand, the success of Operation Rainbow actually strengthened the power of the royalists.

Lieutenant Weissen said cautiously, "Sir, since the royalists acquired so many powerful warships, Königsberg and Riga have been active. Our intelligence personnel have also discovered that many important princes and nobles have fled to East Prussia in recent days."

Faust clapped his hands and said with relief, "The largest island in Germany is Rügen, which has a total area of ​​less than 1,000 square kilometers. It is only two kilometers away from Mecklenburg on the mainland. The royalists cannot rely on this navy to seize control of Rügen and become an island warlord."

The British would certainly not let go of the High Seas Fleet easily. As long as the Royalists accepted this navy, they would have severely offended Britain and would no longer be able to obtain any assistance from Britain. In turn, they would have to be wary of various sabotage actions that the British were best at.

In this Rainbow Operation, it seemed that the royalists benefited the most, as they obtained a powerful fleet ranked among the top three in the world out of thin air. However, the royalists could not rely on this fleet to capture cities or to counterattack Berlin.

The real winner is actually the Abbott government.

After this incident, the British would certainly provide strong financial support to the Albert government so that the Berlin authorities would be able to send troops to suppress the royalists as soon as possible.

And then there are the Poles.

If Britain is not confident in the Abbott government, or if France obstructs Britain from supporting the Abbott government, the British may still aid emerging Eastern European countries such as Poland and let them eliminate the royalists.

Of course, the situation has become more delicate. From the Rhine River to the west, the positions of various countries and forces on the European continent are constantly changing. They are enemies today and friends tomorrow. It is a "good time" for strategists to show their skills!

Needless to say, once Britain begins to increase its aid to the Abbott regime, it means that Abbott's attack on the left-wing coalition will become more and more imminent.

Faust didn't believe that after receiving aid from the Allies, Albert would first deal with the royalists far away instead of the left-wing coalition that was right in front of him.

The capital, which had just experienced the destruction of the Battle of Berlin, seemed to be facing a new storm.

As the war was imminent, the other two major parties in the left-wing coalition, except Faust, seemed to be staying out of it. They were still busy with the election activities for the Constituent Assembly. It was only at Faust's personal invitation that Liebknecht and Kautsky were invited to hold the three-big meeting of the left-wing coalition.

Just yesterday, the Spartacus League officially completed its reorganization and changed its name to the German Communist Party. As everyone expected, Liebknecht became the first chairman of the Central Committee of the German Communist Party.

In addition to Liebknecht, Faust also paid attention to Rosa Luxemburg. Although her reputation plummeted because she and Faust opposed the Labor Community Agreement, Luxemburg was still elected as a member of the Central Committee of the German Communist Party based on the prestige accumulated in the past history.

The first resolution passed by the German Communist Party after its establishment was to join the Third International organized by the Soviet Union in Moscow.

Faust had discussed this matter with Liebknecht before. Faust was opposed to the German Communist Party joining the Third International in the near future, or, if the German Communist Party insisted on joining the Third International, it should join secretly rather than openly.

Faust gave Liebknecht one last, earnest admonition: "Doctor, the German people are very proud. To be frank, the Germans have been brainwashed by the imperial government's nationalist ideology for decades. Without a period of education, it would be difficult for them to understand the issues of the Third International. In the eyes of most Germans, what you are doing is becoming a lackey of the Russians, which is very detrimental to the image of the German Communist Party."

Liebknecht understood this, but he also had his own considerations.

"The world revolution is surging, Comrade Faust. We cannot limit our sunshine to Germany! As long as the world revolution is victorious, all of Germany's problems will be solved. We join the Third International to accelerate the climax of the world revolution."

Liebknecht added, with a hint of reproach, "The National Socialist Party opposes the Labour Community Agreement, and the National Socialist Party opposes peace talks. Both of these things are deeply opposed by the German people. You have your own reasons. Why can't you understand that the German Communist Party also has its reasons?"

Faust said helplessly, "The National Socialist Party opposes the Labor Community Agreement. That's because they oppose the Social Democratic Party's attempt to deceive the people into supporting them with an empty agreement that will never be implemented in the future. The National Socialist Party opposes peace talks because they oppose the unscrupulous loss of sovereignty and humiliation of the country. However, the German Communist Party's open joining of the Third International will not benefit it politically, nor will it accelerate the advent of world revolution!"

Kautsky wanted to mediate between the KPD and the NSDAP, but Faust, in turn, told Kautsky directly:

"Mr. Kautsky, every detail indicates that the Ebert government is trading peace talks for military aid from the Allies. As soon as the troops arrive, Ebert will attack us. Do you really think Ebert would be so foolish as to try to engage in fair democratic elections with us in the Constituent Assembly?"

Faust slammed the table and said, "Time is running out! Ebert's offensive is imminent. Perhaps in a month, perhaps in a week, the SPD will open fire on us. The Left Coalition cannot sit idly by. We only have two options left: evacuate Berlin or take the initiative and dissolve the Ebert government by force."

Kautsky was terrified: "What are you talking about? Faust, don't be so alarmist. The general election is only three weeks away. If the left unites and unites, we will definitely be able to defeat Ebert. If we use force, we will be despised by the entire German people!"

Liebknecht actually somewhat supported Faust's idea of ​​using force, but Liebknecht had an additional concern - could Faust be trusted?

Once military action is launched, the National Socialist Party, which controls the strongest military force, might take advantage of the chaos to establish a military government.

Faust felt the suspicion in Liebknecht's eyes, and he felt helpless and disappointed. Faust could understand that Kautsky thought so, but if you, the German Communist Party, also thought so, then what was the point?

Faust confronted the German Communist Party and the German Independent Party, saying, "The Ebert government will definitely launch a coup before the election. If the Allies provide Ebert with sufficient assistance, the Grossdeutschland Division, the Volksnahr Division, and the Red Guards alone may not be able to hold Berlin. If you all oppose a preemptive strike, then at least I hope you will support the National Socialist Party in sending reinforcements to Berlin. The National Socialist Party can transfer another division to Berlin."

Liebknecht and Kautsky looked at each other and saw surprise in each other's eyes. They were now more worried about the National Socialist Party's military coup than Ebert.

Chapter 192: Blood never cools, wind never rises

Kautsky's face was filled with obvious horror. In Berlin today, the Peace Army controlled by the Social Democratic Party, the Berlin police and other armed forces, when added together, the strength of the regular army was less than 10,000 people.

The left-wing united camp, including the People's Navy Division, the Red Guards, and the Great German Division, has a strength of more than 20,000 troops, which is far stronger than the Social Democratic Party. Is there any need to continue to send reinforcements to Berlin?

Liebknecht also looked serious. He stood up, put his hands behind his back, and walked around the room in front of Faust. Faust looked at his gloomy face and suddenly smiled:

"Comrades, do not trust the National Socialist Party."

Liebknecht looked at Faust intently and spoke slowly, "Faust, I absolutely believe that you are a comrade on the side of the socialist revolution, but why are you unwilling to join the KPD? If the National Socialist Party had merged entirely with the KPD, there would be no need for us to be suspicious of each other today. Think about it! The Workers' Community Agreement, the reorganization of the KPD, and even the peace talks—on so many important issues, you've gone against everyone else. It's impossible not to be suspicious of the National Socialist Party."

Kautsky also said: "That's right. The labor community agreement is beneficial to both labor and capital. The capitalists have already made such great concessions. Why are you still opposing it? The same is true for peace talks. The whole country supports peace talks. The November Revolution was originally fought to oppose the war. But you oppose peace talks. Does the National Socialist Party still want to continue the war? The people of the country will not support you."

Faust laughed heartily. "You don't trust me, you don't trust the National Socialists, yet you trust Ebert and the Social Democrats! How should I react? The Labor Community Agreement has no military backing. How can I be sure the Social Democrats won't break their promise in a month? The key to peace talks isn't the peace itself, it's the terms of peace! If the terms of peace mean the destruction of Germany, the people of this country won't accept it."

Faust's words struck Liebknecht like lightning; his pupils dilated and his breathing became rapid.

Liebknecht put his hands behind his back, lowered his head, and pondered for a moment. He clenched his right fist and placed it on his lips. He pondered for a moment, then calmed down again. "Can the National Socialist intelligence agency obtain the detailed terms of the peace talks?"

Kautsky saw the grave look on Liebknecht's face and knew that Faust's words had deeply moved Liebknecht.

Faust sighed. "The Provisional Government is an administrative body appointed by the Greater Berlin Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Council. Theoretically, the Left Coalition could have demanded of Ebert at the Greater Berlin Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Council that he disclose all the terms of the peace talks with the Allies."

The Social Democratic Party's peace treaty was by no means a secret.

The Social Democratic Party's provisional government had a weak ability to keep secrets. Because of the break with Hindenburg, Ludendorff's general staff also had many people who sympathized with the royalists and were very dissatisfied with Ludendorff. This group of people would also spread the content of the peace treaty conspiracy everywhere.

Then, there is the Allied Powers.

The Allies were too confident.

With victory in the war within their grasp, the politicians of the Allied Powers were eager to spread the contents of the secret agreement around the world as soon as possible.

Churchill directly mentioned the peace treaty clauses related to the navy in an interview with reporters. Other politicians from Britain, France, the United States and other countries have also been showing off the peace treaty contents related to their departments in public in recent days.

The Stasi did not need to plant agents within the Social Democratic Party, the General Staff, or the Allied powers. All it needed to do was collect more public reports and information and conduct a comprehensive analysis to easily figure out the general content of the peace treaty.

Liebknecht practically grumbled, "What exactly is the Ebert government's peace treaty? Could it be just as the rumors say, that Ebert wants to cede territory and pay indemnities in exchange for military aid from the Allies with a humiliating treaty?"

Faust uttered a few words through gritted teeth: "This is not a secret."

In Faust's eyes, the Ebert government's intentions were completely obvious and there was no need for speculation. Liebknecht was also shaken, but Kautsky still insisted that if there were no written documents as evidence, the Independent Party would not choose to use force to overthrow the Provisional Government.

Kautsky shouted, "Dissolve the government by force! That would be a coup! We can't launch a coup ourselves just because we're worried about Ebert launching one! That would be a stain on the history of the international communist movement!"

Faust said coldly: "Mr. Kautsky, you should exchange jobs with the cleaner on Wilhelm Street."

Liebknecht's face was grave. "Everyone, stop arguing. Let's start with the Greater Berlin Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Council. We must first demand through parliament that Ebert disclose the details of the negotiations and put an end to all secret diplomacy."

Faust said: "This is certainly a good idea, but we can't expect that once Parliament opens its mouth, Albert will give an honest answer. We still need to be prepared for military confrontation."

Faust then questioned Liebknecht and Kautsky, saying, "The National Socialists can send another division to Berlin within a week. I conclude that the Ebert government will launch a coup before the elections for the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, December 20th is the National Socialists' deadline. If the KPD and the Independent Party are still unwilling to join forces with the National Socialists before that date, we will have no choice but to act alone."

There are still two weeks left until the deadline set by Faust, which seems to be more than enough time, so Liebknecht and Kautsky breathed a sigh of relief.

Faust still felt a little disappointed when he saw the changes in the expressions of the two men. Kautsky's opposition was within Faust's expectations, but Liebknecht's hesitation was really inappropriate.

"Today's meeting is a secret of the Left Alliance."

Faust stood up again and prepared to leave.

"If the Social Democrats had known in advance that we were going to dissolve the Provisional Government," Faust glanced at Kautsky, "there would have been no room for us to cooperate."

The meeting of the three giants of the left-wing coalition ended in a mess, and Faust still failed to get the promise he wanted from Liebknecht and Kautsky.

"Prepare for a rainy day, prepare for a rainy day..."

Faust walked outside. Dark clouds gathered quietly in the sky. White lightning flashed in the distance. Bursts of dull thunder enveloped Berlin. Rain and snow were about to come.

On the streets of Berlin, the National Socialist Party's reputation had been greatly affected because it opposed the Labor Community Agreement and the SPD's secret negotiations. There were many posters and slogans on the streets insulting the National Socialist Party and even insulting Faust himself.

The Social Democratic Party's propaganda machine has been put into full operation, vowing to portray Faust as a militarist maniac who destroys peace.

Faust, wearing a military coat, walked from Wilhelm Street to Unter den Linden. The citizens along the way who had been very enthusiastic about him now kept their distance from him.

Vasily, Faust's guard, could not help but say, "Sir, the Berliners are so ungrateful, they really should be taught a lesson."

In December in Berlin, the wind was biting cold, and Faust tightened his collar. This winter of 1918 was destined to change the future and destiny of all mankind. It was so important and so difficult. Just thinking about it, Faust felt that every minute and every second of the next twenty days seemed like a gear turning with blood.

The wind blew up the withered fallen leaves and flying snowflakes, and the streets were desolate and melancholy. Even the area around the apartment building where Faust lived was covered with a large number of anti-National Socialist posters posted by the Social Democratic Party.

In the largest illustration, Faust was depicted as a beast wearing a Prussian peaked helmet, roaring and screaming hysterically.

At Faust's door, there was only one person waiting.

"Comrade Rosa?"

Luxemburg's long skirt fluttered in the wind. She was wrapped in a thick brown cotton coat. The brim of her white gauze hat was stained with fallen snow. Her hands were tightly clasped across her chest. It was obvious that she had been waiting downstairs of Faust's apartment for a long time.

Faust laughed: "Comrade Rosa, you can come directly to König Square to find me."

Luxemburg hugged her arms tightly. She didn't know how long she had been waiting in the wind and snow. Her little face had been frozen pale and bloodless, her lips were trembling, and white mist came out from her breath from time to time.

"I am waiting for you, Comrade Faust. I want to see you alone."

"You see me now."

Luxemburg raised her chin slightly. Faust was a head taller than her, so Luxemburg had to look up to meet Faust's gaze.

"I'll tell you the answer. As long as the National Socialist Party takes action, I will lead all those who trust me to follow you and act together."

Faust was slightly stunned, then burst into laughter.

"Comrade Rosa, Germany has you and will never disappoint me."

Time was running fast, and Faust believed that the Greater Berlin Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee's request for Ebert to disclose the contents of the peace treaty would not lead to a satisfactory result.

In just over twenty days, Ebert could have completely ignored the consequences and concealed everything from the Grand Committee. The secret negotiations between the SPD and the Allies would certainly not have been suspended. On the contrary, they might have been accelerated.

How much weapons would the Allies provide Albert?