Germany does not seek survival

Finally, Hindenburg did not insist any further. He and a group of royalist supporters saw hope for restoring the monarchy in East Prussia.

So not long after, Ludendorff reached a compromise with Hindenburg. Ludendorff allowed Hindenburg and a large number of noble generals to leave the Western Front secretly. Ludendorff could also dispatch a batch of vehicles to allow them to travel to East Prussia more safely and quickly to assist Manstein's restoration cause.

Hindenburg and his entourage's convoy slowly left the town of Spa in the night. On the front line, in the desolate wilderness, German soldiers lit bonfires along the winding battle line to ward off the cold and keep warm.

From time to time, many soldiers fired a few last bullets into the air, and the people around them began to echo them, shouting slogans to celebrate the ceasefire.

When Ludendorff saw this scene, he could only sigh.

"The Germans... took off their bandages and surrendered without a fight. Perhaps this proves that we Germans are an inferior race."

Many people are reflecting on the momentous events of the past few months. Has there ever been such an eventful year? The despots of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary have fallen one after another. So have the royal families of Bavaria, Saxony, and Württemberg, the princes of eleven duchies and grand duchies, and seven small German principalities.

Rich and poor, we have all bled and suffered together. No matter where we are in the world, life will never remain the same. But are these changes good or bad?

From this earth-shaking change, people may only realize one truth, that is: war will inevitably lead to war, oppression will eventually lead to failure, and the only thing that will last forever is the brotherhood of sharing weal and woe.

In the bitter cold of November 1918, the victors were triumphant and the losers were dejected. However, no matter what, the bloodiest, most brutal and barbaric war in the history of Europe, and even the history of the world, had finally come to an end.

After bidding farewell to his close comrade-in-arms, Marshal Hindenburg, with whom he had fought shoulder to shoulder for four years, Ludendorff met a guest from Berlin in infinite sadness.

Vice Chancellor of the Provisional Government of the German Republic, member of the Central Committee of the German Social Democratic Party, and an important figure who was one of Ebert's right-hand men.

Philip Scheidemann.

Scheidemann was dressed in a suit and looked very elegant, with his hair and beard very neatly groomed. He had the noble temperament of an aristocrat and a strong scholarly demeanor. He looked completely different from Ebert's other general, Razor Noske. At first glance, he was a very gentle scholar-politician.

As soon as Scheidemann saw Ludendorff, he told him everything that had happened in Berlin in the past week.

"From the morning of November 9th, the Reichstag became a virtual barracks. Workers and soldiers were coming in and out, many of them armed... There was no order at all. Liebknecht was planning to establish a Soviet Republic. General, you should know that the Spartacus League was closely connected with the Russians, and their slogan was supreme power for workers' and soldiers' councils."

Ludendorff said solemnly: "This means that Germany will be turned into a Russian province, a branch of the Soviet regime. This cannot be allowed, absolutely not, a thousand times not!"

When Scheidemann saw Ludendorff's reaction, he realized that Ebert's inference was correct and that the SPD was fully capable of winning over the German generals on the front line.

"General, there is no doubt that in Berlin I saw the same chaos that happened in Russia, the Bolshevik tyranny that replaced the Tsarist tyranny, and it is about to happen again."

Ludendorff closed his eyes and said in a compassionate tone: "No, no, the German people have suffered enough, and we cannot bear this kind of disaster."

Scheidemann immediately said: "The Prince of Baden has already handed over his chancellorship to Ebert, and our friends are defending Berlin... After the Berlin conflict, a nominal provisional government was temporarily established, including the four existing socialist parties in Germany."

Scheidemann did not dare to talk about the Battle of Berlin and the death of William II in detail. He was also worried about angering Ludendorff, and even more worried about angering some of the remaining royalist generals on the front line.

"General, our Social Democratic Party has persuaded the other three socialist parties to hold elections for a constitutional convention around the end of this year or next January. The convention will then decide Germany's final state system. President Ebert believes we have a good chance of winning the election, but the Spartacus League and the National Socialist Party..."

"National Socialist Party?"

"It's a socialist revolutionary party founded by Colonel Witte Faust. You've probably heard of him. He commands a very capable force stationed in Berlin. What we're most worried about now is that the armed forces controlled by the Spartacus League and the National Socialist Party will directly launch a mutiny and seize power."

Ludendorff slammed the table and said, "You are right to worry. The Bolshevik Revolution in Russia provides a vivid example that a determined minority of radicals can seize power from a more moderate government even without the support of the majority of the people."

Scheidemann nodded repeatedly. "That's right, General. That's what President Ebert means. The SPD wants to cooperate with the military and, if necessary, use force to prevent a repetition of the situation in Petrograd in Berlin."

"Without the revolution, no Allied soldier would have set foot on German soil before the war officially ended on November 11th."

Ludendorff said coldly: "We were not actually defeated by external forces, but by subversive elements. The knife was stabbed in the back. The betrayal of the rear was the main reason for Germany's defeat."

The core meaning of the saying "a knife in the back" is sometimes implicit, but most of the time it is very clear, that is, betrayal must be avenged on the "Day of Reckoning" and the "enemy within" will be dealt with mercilessly.

Strictly speaking, Social Democrats such as Scheidemann should actually be counted as traitors who were "stabbed in the back", but now that the military wants to cooperate with the Social Democrats, Ludendorff naturally no longer cares about it.

Ludendorff even shook Scheidemann's hand cordially and said, "Your timing is perfect. Marshal Hindenburg has already left for East Prussia with a group of royalists. The remaining generals on the Western Front all support the central government. The military supports you, a moderate and stable republican government."

Scheidemann then laid out the mission of his trip to Ludendorff: "President Ebert's message is very clear. We must reach an understanding with the Allies as soon as possible. Only with the Allies' permission can the front-line troops be mobilized back to Berlin. Otherwise, the Berlin regime—as you can see, the Spartacus League's People's Navy Division and Red Guards, and the National Socialist Party's Great German Division—currently have the upper hand in Berlin. Without the support of the front-line troops, Berlin could fall into Soviet hands."

Ludendorff pondered and said, "Can you arrange a phone call for me? I want to call President Ebert."

When Scheidemann heard that Ludendorff had begun to call Ebert "President", he was delighted and realized that the matter was halfway to success.

"Of course that's no problem, I'll arrange it for you right away."

Ludendorff called Ebert and said, "This is Ludendorff. Is the new government willing to try to save the country from anarchy and restore order?"

On the other end of the line, Albert was still in the Chancellery, pacing the floor in just his shirt sleeves. He was desperately trying to find some way to prop up his fragile regime. Who would support him? What if the army turned against him?

As soon as he heard Ludendorff's voice, Albert picked up the phone with trembling hands. He knew that the fate of the SPD would depend on the content of this call.

Albert's voice trembled as he gave a positive response: "We will definitely be able to maintain domestic order."

Ludendorff nodded on the other end of the phone: "In that case, the Supreme Command will maintain military discipline and bring them back home without causing any trouble."

Ludendorff went on to say: "Marshal Hindenburg has left the front. He may go to East Prussia to establish a restored monarchy government. The front-line troops are now under my full responsibility."

Albert asked, "General, does the military have any requirements for us?"

Ludendorff said: "The High Command wants the government to cooperate with the army to suppress the revolutionaries and maintain military discipline. It also requires that the army's supplies be guaranteed and that transportation and communications be unimpeded."

Albert's long-held worries were largely resolved with Ludendorff's assurance. Feeling reassured, he was overwhelmed with excitement and immediately pledged, "The Provisional Government will grant you full authority, including full authority to negotiate with the Allies. You will do whatever you want, as long as you can finally bring the troops back to Berlin."

However, Ludendorff did not want to take the blame for the peace talks with the Allies. He knew that the Allies would not let Germany go easily. Today, the German people are looking forward to peace and everyone supports the peace talks. No matter how excessive the results of the peace talks are, the German people will accept it.

However, after a period of time, perhaps less than a year, Ludendorff knew the national character of the Germans very well, and by that time, the Germans would certainly begin to blame those who signed the peace treaty.

Those who sign the signatory will become the target of public criticism and will be killed without a burial place.

Ludendorff told Albert: "Mr. President, the military has no right to negotiate with the Allies, and as a soldier, I do not wish to interfere. I ask the Provisional Government to organize a delegation to the Allies. The principle of the Republic is that the military must not interfere in government affairs."

Albert did not hesitate too much. He did not care about the Germans' hatred for the surrender treaty in the future. That was a long way in the future.

At this moment, Albert only wanted to deal with the Allies and Ludendorff as quickly as possible, and then obtain the army he wanted most, so that the SPD could truly control Berlin as soon as possible.

Only in this way can Albert become a real president.

Albert agreed to all of Ludendorff's requests without hesitation: "You are right, General Ludendorff. You are the best example a soldier can give to the Republic. Very good. I will immediately arrange for someone to go to France to negotiate peace. The Provisional Government will take full responsibility for this matter."

Ludendorff finally breathed a sigh of relief. As long as the SPD was willing to take the blame, Ludendorff had nothing to fear.

"Very good, Mr. President, I hope we can have a pleasant cooperation."

Chapter 187 Surrender

The heavy snow in 1918 covered Brussels, the capital of Belgium. The Allied forces had completely recaptured the city. The German army began a large-scale retreat after the Compiègne Armistice on November 9. Within a few days, it first withdrew from all the occupied areas in France, and soon after, it divided into two groups and withdrew millions of troops into the country.

After the 11th, the Allied forces first entered the Belgian capital of Brussels, and this city became the place for negotiations between the Allies and Ludendorff. Soon after, probably because they learned that the German civil war had broken out in Berlin, the Allied forces resumed their offensive. Hundreds of thousands of people followed the retreating German army all the way across the border between Belgium and Germany.

Hundreds of thousands of Allied troops poured into the Rhineland. According to the requirements of the Treaty of Compiègne, the Allied forces had the right to occupy all German territory on the west bank of the Rhine and to establish several bridgeheads on the east bank of the Rhine as a place to monitor the German army.

shame.

Millions of German soldiers watched helplessly as hundreds of thousands of British, French and Americans marched, without firing a shot, like an armed parade to both sides of the Rhine River, where they would have found it difficult to reach on the battlefield.

On the quietly flowing Rhine River, white snow fell on the surging river water, and the surging waves swept the white snow to the bottom of the river. The Allied bombers flew over the river, and the bombs dropped in the past two days have destroyed many railway bridges on the Rhine River.

The delegation sent by the Ebert government crossed the Rhine River in a motorboat. The head of the armistice delegation, Erzberger, was very nervous. After crossing the river, the delegation was soon surrounded by the Allied forces. Several cars with the flags of Britain, France, the United States and Belgium quickly took Erzberger and his delegation to Brussels.

The person who greeted Erzberger was General Pétain, the Allied front commander. Pétain pretended to be surprised and asked, "What are you doing here, gentlemen?"

Erzberg replied awkwardly: "We want to hear your proposal for a ceasefire."

Pétain said with a sarcastic smile, "Oh, really? But not long ago, General Ludendorff rejected the peace terms we proposed. In that case, we are willing to continue fighting."

Erzberger could only admit: "Germany can no longer fight. Generals and gentlemen, Germany is now willing to accept all peace demands made by the Allies."

"So, you're here to formally ask for peace? If so, that's another matter."

Then, Pétain nodded and called over several Allied representatives to read out the preliminary peace terms drafted by the Allies to the Erzberg delegation. These included Germany's surrender of all its heavy weapons, its prohibition of an air force, its navy's restriction of eight battleships, the cession of significant territory, the demilitarization of the Rhineland, and the transfer of the Saar Basin to France as collateral for indemnity payments.

The more he listened to this series of ruthless clauses, the more frightened Erzberger became. He knew in his heart that any German who signed this treaty would be cursed for eternity.

However, Albert had already given Erzberger a death order that the delegation must accept any conditions proposed by the Allies.

At the same time, in exchange, the Allies had to provide the Ebert government with an army to help the Ebert government suppress the revolutionaries in Berlin.

Erzberger blushed and said bitterly, "Then at least at this stage the Allied naval blockade of Germany should be lifted. If this clause is included, a very important component of the world war will continue: Britain's starvation policy. This policy will cause great suffering to German women and children."

Pétain was ruthless: "Do you think this is unfair?"

"Yes, this is unfair to the German people."

British Admiral Weems was furious: "Then why don't you sink our ships indiscriminately?"

The British were very reluctant to lift the naval blockade on Germany immediately because although the German army had basically collapsed and lost its combat effectiveness, the German High Seas Fleet was still strong. Apart from some minor losses in the Battle of Jutland, the German Navy was almost the same as it was before the war.

In other words, judging solely by the displacement of advanced ships, the German Navy is actually stronger now than before the war.

After the collapse of Russia, almost all of the Tsarist Russian naval warships fell into the hands of the German Navy.

Of course, this is not the case. After the Kiel Uprising, many sailors left the naval base without permission, and many senior officers of the High Seas Fleet also died in the uprising. The organizational disorganization of the German Navy was actually more serious than that of the Army.

But the British did not understand the truth and did not dare to make rash judgments.

The British demand was that if the Allied Navy wanted to lift the naval blockade of Germany, all German submarines would have to surrender first, and then the High Seas Fleet would have to go to the detention ports designated by the Allies in batches.

Britain would not agree to lift the blockade until the German Navy handed over all its ships to the Allies.

In order to complete the task assigned by Ebert as soon as possible, the German delegation was forced to sign the peace terms of the Allied Powers with tears in their eyes. Afterwards, Erzberger asked all parties present to listen to him read a statement, which was a statement issued by Germany's four plenipotentiary representatives.

The statement mentioned that the time required by the agreement for the evacuation of German troops and the handing over of necessary means of transportation was too short, which might make it impossible for them to carry out, but this "cannot be blamed on either the German government or the German people."

"A country with 7000 million people is suffering. Germany is the cornerstone of peace in the Western world. The Western world should not watch it go to destruction, and it should not perish..."

Erzberger spoke in an almost pleading tone, but this failed to impress the Allied representatives. Pétain said coldly, "Gentlemen, just go back and wait for news. Paris will make the final decision."

An hour later, Pétain contacted Marshal Foch, the commander-in-chief of the Allied Forces, by phone, and Marshal Foch then informed the governments of the Allied Powers.

Clemenceau was walking in his own little garden at the time. The morning light was still dim and the autumn mist was shrouding the trees. He liked this kind of weather because the thick fog and drizzle reminded him of his beloved Vendée. After receiving the news from Foch, Clemenceau was so happy that he cried. He sent a telegram to American President Wilson, saying:

"The dictatorship has ended. Long live democracy and its immortal leader. In this great moment, I share your pride, admiration and love."

Ten minutes later, President Wilson replied to the French government: "On this solemn occasion of great events, thinking of the great role played by your country and its esteemed leaders, I cannot help but open my arms and embrace the French people tightly."

Half an hour later, Churchill, the Minister of Munitions in the British Lloyd George Cabinet, also received news that Germany had signed the surrender agreement.

Since the disastrous defeat at Gallipoli, Churchill has been subjected to fierce attacks from all sides of British politics and eventually lost his position as First Lord of the Admiralty.

After that, Churchill, who was squeezed out of the political circle, decided to resign and rushed to the French front to serve as the commander of the Royal Scottish Fusiliers Battalion and personally participate in the war.

Churchill gained fame again by this method. After the establishment of the Dardanelles Commission of Inquiry in 1916, Churchill used his family connections to lobby and smooth things over, and finally made the results of the commission very favorable to him. He got rid of the responsibility for the defeat in the Battle of Gallipoli, and returned to the cabinet, becoming the Minister of Munitions of the wartime government.

Churchill was overjoyed. As soon as he saw British Prime Minister Lloyd George, he grabbed Lloyd George's right hand with his left hand and jumped up and down to celebrate.

"We won! We won! The war is completely over and the Germans have signed the surrender agreement."

Churchill handed the draft surrender agreement to Lloyd George and said, "This is the preliminary terms of the peace treaty drafted by the General Headquarters at the front. Please take a look."

Lloyd George was relatively satisfied with the draft peace treaty. At the end of the draft, there was also a request from the Ebert government: the German Provisional Government hoped that the Allies would show mercy and help Germany arm at least six divisions on the Western Front, and have these six divisions rush back to Berlin to suppress the revolution.

Chapter 188 Chairman of the German Communist Party

Lloyd George frowned at the demands the Albert government had appended to the draft peace treaty and said with disgust, "The Germans still want to impose conditions on us? It seems that the Germans do not feel that they have been defeated by the Allies on the battlefield."

It was still drizzling in London. Churchill, noticing this, said in a tone as gloomy as the weather: "Prime Minister, since the Germans have asked us for something, we should also make additional demands."

Lloyd George shook his head. "The terms of the peace treaty are already excessive. Continuing to suppress Germany would be tantamount to helping France."

Lloyd George certainly wanted to punish Germany severely, but he did not want to punish Germany to the point of disintegration. If Germany collapsed directly, the result would either be a benefit to the Soviet Union, allowing the Bolsheviks to take advantage of the chaos, or it would be a benefit to the French, leaving France with no rivals on the European continent.

Neither of these two outcomes is in the strategic interests of the UK.

Churchill, however, had a novel idea: "We could demand that the German Navy, as compensation to Britain, hand over all the capital ships of the High Seas Fleet. Furthermore, to prevent a resurgence of the German Navy in the coming decades, we should demand the direct dismantling of all facilities at the Wilhelmshaven naval base. Germany should also hand over all machinery and equipment from shipyards in Bremen, Hamburg, and Lübeck."

Churchill's plan was almost a drastic measure to destroy the German Navy. It would not only destroy the entire High Seas Fleet, but also cut off any possibility of the German Navy's revival.

If the Ebert government really accepts this condition, the shipbuilding industries of the four major German ports of Wilhelmshaven, Bremen, Hamburg and Lübeck will suffer an unprecedented devastating blow, and will no longer be able to pose any threat to Britain's maritime hegemony for at least two or three decades.

Lloyd George paused for a moment and said, "If the Abbott government is truly sincere and wants us to help it maintain power, they should accept this condition."

After Churchill's idea was approved by Lloyd George, he immediately began to make preparations. On the one hand, he put pressure on the Albert government through diplomatic channels. On the other hand, he prepared the British Navy so that it could directly break into William Harbour if necessary and force the Albert government to submit by military means.

Churchill walked the streets of London. Factory whistles and church bells rang in celebration, and people poured into the streets, joining the chaotic parade. Sailors tied their boats to the shore, blew their whistles, lit their lights, and hoisted their flags. Some sailors threw calcium bombs into the water. The constant clamor echoed throughout the city, preventing anyone from sleeping.

At dawn, a huge crowd of revelers took to the streets, cheering ecstatically and waving flags jubilantly. Men shed tears as dozens of musicians began playing patriotic music and the crowds sang along.

Fashionably dressed ladies jingled their cowbells; street children shouted and danced; stenographers wore red, white and blue paper hats; sailors, with their wide-brimmed hats perched on their heads, grinned and offered theirs to the girls to wave.

Along the way there were cars packed with noisy passengers, horse-drawn delivery vans, farm wagons crammed with smiling girls, trucks loaded with lifeboats, and tour buses crammed with people.

A truck was carrying a coffin with a statue of William II inside, which was lifted out again and again, simulating a hanging.

Churchill looked at this vibrant scene and smiled: "We have safeguarded Britain's hegemony for the next century!"

The conditions attached by the British to the peace treaty were soon delivered to the front. The French were of course happy to continue to weaken Germany, so they proposed these new terms to the Erzberg delegation.

Erzberger had tears in his eyes. He couldn't decide such an important matter by himself, so he could only discuss it with Ludendorff and Scheidemann.