Germany does not seek survival

But as of November 1918, in the German world of Central Europe, there were still a large number of economic experts who supported socialism or simply had political positions closer to the left. Not to mention the University of Vienna, even at the University of Munich, which Faust and the National Socialists were most familiar with, there were quite a few such experts.

Many scholars who later became spiritual idols of the right wing were still firm supporters of socialism in 1918, or at least supported the nationalization of public utilities and important strategic industries.

For example, in the first socialization committee produced by the November Revolution in Germany, in addition to the left-wing Kautsky, Wieser, and Hilferding, it also included Schumpeter, who later became a spiritual idol of the right-wing, and even the Christian theologian Troeltsch and Rathenau, the big boss of the German General Electric Corporation, all of whom supported the socialization of the national economy.

Rommel was more concerned with military issues and had no interest in the theoretical disputes between Faust and Hitler.

Rommel always portrayed himself as a simple soldier who didn't care about politics. At this time, Rommel simply asked: "What about the military, comrades? Italy has hundreds of thousands of troops south of Trento. We must consider this issue first. We must prepare enough weapons and ammunition so that we can arm Trento and resist the Italians there."

Faust did not think that Trento would become the main target of the Italian army. Considering that the Vienna Provisional Government was already negotiating peace with the Allies, Faust estimated that the Italian army would not be willing to take heavy losses and attack the Tyrolean mountains before the negotiations were completed.

The Italians should be more inclined to occupy the Istrian Peninsula, that is, the area around Trieste and Fiume, because it is a coastal plain with flat terrain, easy to attack, and its economic and transportation value is much higher than that of the Tyrolean mountains.

The defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was inevitable, and the Allies and the Central Powers focused their main attention on the negotiation table. Even if the Italian army wanted to occupy Trento, it would probably only launch a tentative attack. As long as it could block one such attack, the Italian army would not risk additional casualties and move north in a short period of time.

"The same applies to the military industry. However, considering its military nature, the military factories can be taken over directly by the military department instead of the socialization committee."

Faust replied to Rommel, saying: "The Military Commission should be responsible for directly taking over all arsenals in Tyrol. Considering the severity of the military situation, in order to ensure the production of the arsenals, the Military Commission also has the right to take over other key factories upstream and downstream of the arsenals."

Here, Faust mostly only used the word "take over" and did not directly say "confiscate", which made Hitler feel a little more comfortable. However, upon closer inspection, Faust's policy was actually not much different from what Lenin did in Russia.

If there is a difference, it is that the local industries of Germany and Austria are far more developed than those of Russia, and industrial production was not basically interrupted in 1917 like in Russia. The current industrial management methods are also more numerous and sophisticated than those in Russia. During the takeover process, it will definitely not be as chaotic as in the Soviet Union, causing complete paralysis and serious regression in the industrial sector.

Chapter 146: Northern Expedition and Eastern Expedition

Faust didn't want the Revolutionary Committee to become his one-man show, but that was the reality at the current stage. All major issues required Faust to make the final decision. Only he had such prestige and could make decisions quickly and decisively, and make these decisions convincing to everyone.

After the declaration of the Tyrol Uprising was published, it did not cause much momentum. Faust also understood that Tyrol was relatively remote and naturally not as well connected as Kiel, where once a revolution broke out, the influence could quickly spread to Berlin and then radiate across the country.

The two urgent tasks mentioned by Faust are food and guns, that is, the problems of agriculture and military factories, which are both internal issues of the Tyrolean Revolutionary Republic.

It is an unshakable truth that most things are determined by internal factors, but the influence of external factors cannot be ignored, especially now when the world situation is turbulent.

The Stasi, the intelligence agency set up by the National Socialist Party in Berlin and Vienna, came into play at this time.

"This is important information from Comrade Sorge, Comrade Weissen, and Comrade Pilar. The Stasi has made several briefings."

Faust compiled the secret telegrams sent by the Stasi from Vienna, Munich and other places into a book and handed it to Paulus: "Comrade Paulus, please read the news compiled by the General Staff to everyone."

Paulus held a stack of reports in his hand. He pursed his lips and stood up. Under the unanimous gaze of everyone, he seemed a little nervous.

"Comrades, let me briefly, ahem, give you a brief introduction to the changes in the situation of the Allies in the past week."

Faust brought the coffee cup to Paulus and said with a smile: "Comrade Paulus, don't be nervous, just speak slowly."

"Um……"

Paulus quickly drank a sip of water: "In the past week, Czechoslovakia has declared independence, Hungary has also announced the severance of relations with Vienna, and the Romanians in Transylvania have rioted.

"The Ottoman Empire also signed an armistice agreement with Britain. The Sultan lost most of its territory in the Middle East. Emperor Charles I of Austria-Hungary and Sultan Mehmed VI of the Ottoman Empire both lost power..."

"Where is our Majesty? The clown Emperor Wilhelm II!" Hitler shouted.

Paulus wiped his sweat and said, "Wilhelm II, Wilhelm II, the secret telegram sent by the Stasi in Berlin said that Wilhelm II is still in Berlin and is mobilizing troops to Beijing. He may use force to keep the throne, but most people do not support this."

"The situation in Berlin is very chaotic. Liebknecht and Luxemburg are both openly active. The Spartacus League is trying to organize the workers. They want to turn the striking workers in Berlin into armed Red Guards. The Social Democrats and the Independents are also trying to win the support of the workers and soldiers, but it is still unclear who will win in the end."

In the days following the Tyrol Uprising and the Kiel Sailors' Rebellion, the flames of revolution were spreading everywhere. The Zeppelin airship factory in Friedrichshafen announced the establishment of a Soviet, the largest Daimler automobile factory in Stuttgart held a general strike, and the Rhine dock workers in Frankfurt launched a riot. The local garrison was originally ordered to suppress the rebellion, but ended up joining the rebellious workers and declaring revolution.

In Kassel, soldiers traveling by train to the Western Front rioted on the Kassel train, and the garrison in Cologne declared revolution in response to Luxemburg's call, as did the Hanover region.

Although the authorities had ordered the army to use violence to suppress the revolution, the soldiers joined the revolutionaries and pushed the uprising to victory. The army in Düsseldorf, Leipzig and Magdeburg all refused to shoot at the crowds.

"What about Munich and Vienna? What's the situation?"

"The Stasi report from Munich stated that an independent, Kurt Eisner, had been elected provisional Chancellor of the Bavarian Republic by the revolutionary masses in Munich. As for Ludwig III, the Wittelsbach prince, he was said to have fled to Berlin."

Kurt Eisner was a famous local poet in Bavaria. His political attitude leaned towards the center-right. Among Kautsky's Independents, he was considered to be on the right wing, and his political attitude fluctuated between the Independents and the Social Democratic Party.

The revolution in Munich was quite peaceful without any violent conflict. Kurt Eisner led a delegation into the barracks, and the soldiers immediately raised red flags to express their support for the revolution. Then soldiers and workers from the entire city surrounded the royal palace. Seeing this, Ludwig III, the prince of Bavaria, took his sick queen and four daughters and left in a car carrying a box of cigars.

The ministers of the Bavarian state all announced their response to the revolution and joined the provisional government organized by Kurt Eisner. Later, at the strong request of these ministers, Kurt Eisner's provisional government did not issue any radical revolutionary declaration.

In the city of Munich, nothing changed except that the black, white and red flag of the German Empire and the blue and white flag of the Wittelsbach family were taken down and replaced by the red flag.

The provisional government controlled by the ministers immediately convinced Kurt Eisner that stability was paramount. The masses were deceived by the superficial red flag and temporarily did not engage in other riots and uprisings. The situation was thus brought under control.

"Two hundred and ten German parliamentarians in Vienna have spontaneously formed the German Austrian National Council and have declared themselves the successor to the Habsburgs. The new regime is largely controlled by the Austrian Social Democratic Party. The current leaders of the Vienna Provisional Government, Karl Seitz and Karl Renner, are both leaders of the Austrian Social Democratic Party."

Karl Renner is a veteran of the Austrian Social Democratic Party and a recognized ideological leader in the Austrian Marxist group. His book "The Institution and Social Function of Private Law" is also very influential in Germany.

However, in Faust's impression, the Austrian Social Democrats represented by Renner were basically right-wing elements close to Albert. If this group of people controlled Vienna, then Vienna would also become the enemy of the National Socialist Party.

"Other than that."

Paulus continued reading, "All members of the Habsburg royal family have been placed under house arrest in Salzburg by the Vienna Provisional Government. Intelligence obtained by the Stasi indicates that there are still many supporters of the monarchy in Austria. There are also clues that conservative troops may march to Salzburg to support the royal family. However, Charles I himself has signed a declaration of abdication, which is a heavy blow to the royalists."

Tyrol, the current base of the National Socialist Party, is still Austrian territory, so Faust is very concerned about the situation in Vienna, in case the new Austrian government chooses to borrow troops from the Allies to help suppress the rebellion, which will lead to the Italian army attacking Tyrol.

Although Faust was not afraid of the weak Italian army, the mountain pass in South Tyrol was a fortress that could be defended by one man, but if the Wehrmacht was tied down in South Tyrol, which was insignificant in the world situation, during the critical period of the November Revolution of 1918, it would be a crime against the revolution!

"We must try to contact the Provisional Government in Vienna."

Faust made the final decision, saying, "We must at least prevent the Social Democratic Provisional Government in Vienna from immediately opposing the existence of the Tyrolean Revolutionary Republic. Austrians are also Germans. Unless the Vienna Provisional Government is determined to sell out its country, we still have common interests and room for cooperation in preventing Italian troops from entering South Tyrol."

Rommel's face darkened as he spoke, "Our Wehrmacht has only three or four divisions. The German Third Regiment can quickly expand the first three divisions into combat effectiveness, but the Wehrmacht's 4th Tyrolean Grenadier Division, comprised primarily of Austrian troops, will take at least another month or two to become combat-ready. With such a small number of units, if we were to start a battle at Trento, in the South Tyrol Pass, we would need at least two divisions, leaving us with very few troops to advance on Munich or Vienna."

Rommel believed that the Wehrmacht was now operating directly in divisions, which was a bit too ambitious and completely unnecessary. They could instead start by operating in brigade-level battle groups.

In this way, the 30,000 to 40,000 soldiers in the Wehrmacht can be formed into about seven or eight brigade-level battle groups, which will be more flexible in use.

To Faust, the brigade-level battle group envisioned by Rommel was probably similar to the mixed brigade of the Republic of China, a workaround organization formed when there was no other choice.

But Faust had to consider that the enemies that the Wehrmacht would face next, whether it was the Italian army that might launch an attack on Tyrol, the remaining Austrian troops that the Austrian Provisional Government could control, or the German Emperor's garrison in Munich, none of them could be compared with the warlord troops on the battlefield of the Republic of China.

Can the brigade-level battle group cope with such intense combat?

Take the current issue of South Tyrol for example. The Trento Pass is a strategic location. If it is occupied by the Italian army, the gates of the Red Capital Innsbruck will be wide open, which is something Faust absolutely cannot accept.

Even in the most ideal scenario, where the Austrian provisional government chose to cooperate with the National Socialist Party and the Italian army did send its main force to Fiume, Faust still believed that the Wehrmacht had to inflict a heavy defeat on the invading forces at the South Tyrol Pass in order to deter Italy and stabilize the National Socialist Party's rear.

Tyrol, a mountainous country with barren land and poor people, cannot be the foundation of a country.

The National Socialist Party must make the next most important strategic decision as soon as possible:

Northern Expedition and Eastern Expedition.

The Northern Expedition was to attack northward into the German mainland, and the target was of course Munich, the hometown of many senior leaders of the National Socialist Revolutionary Committee.

The Eastern Expedition was to march eastward directly to Vienna, attack the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and seize the central government of Austria.

Faust, Paulus, Scherner...

Several revolutionary members of the National Socialist Revolutionary Committee were students of the University of Munich. Returning to Munich was like returning to their hometown, which they were most familiar with, and naturally they would gain more support.

As for Vienna.

Faust was against the Eastern Expedition to Vienna.

"Vienna is a large city with a population of two million."

Faust pointed to the map and said, "Now that the Austro-Hungarian Empire has disintegrated, Austria's original bureaucratic system has collapsed. All transportation and communications are paralyzed, and so are industry and agriculture!"

"Think about it, if we march eastwards to capture Vienna, such an important city, whoever captures it first will become the target of the Allied Powers. Diplomatically, we will have to bear the responsibility of signing a surrender treaty with the Allies. Economically, how can we afford to feed two million citizens? The result will be a huge burden. If we handle it improperly, it will cause a humanitarian crisis. From the moment the National Socialist Party's revolutionary side begins, it will be infamous throughout human history!"

"After this, I don't know how future generations will judge me, Faust. Maybe they will misunderstand me as a naturalist who opposes urbanization."

At this point, Faust himself couldn't help laughing: "Vienna is beautiful, but it is a fruit that is a little too big. Today's National Socialists can't digest it. If they swallow it whole, they will only end up bloating themselves."

Faust carefully planned the National Socialist Party's uprising. In just three days, he completely controlled the entire Tyrol state. The beginning of the revolutionary cause was so successful that his unique prestige within the National Socialist Party became even more solid.

Everyone also believes that the decision made by Faust must have been the result of careful consideration over the past two years, and behind every move was the result of day and night of hard thinking.

Hitler was the first to raise his hand in support: "My hometown, Linz, is on the way to the Eastern Expedition to Vienna. But I also support the Northern Expedition to Munich. We just have to return to Germany, which is the real center of the revolution."

Chapter 147 Faust Leads Us to Victory

Munich is close to the German-Austrian border and is less than 100 kilometers away from Innsbruck, the capital of Tyrol. Although there are many mountains blocking the German-Austrian border, due to Germany's developed economy, since the end of the last century, Germany has relied on its strong industrial strength to drill tunnels through the mountains on the German-Austrian border and opened up many mountain roads and mountain railways.

If you go north from Innsbruck to Munich, it will only take one day if you travel quickly and there are no obstacles.

Faust was not in a hurry. He waited until everyone had expressed their opinions one after another before he spoke:

"Before the Northern Expedition to Munich, there are still two issues that need to be resolved. First, in the east, we need to find a way to contain the Vienna Provisional Government and prevent them from copying our party's retreat. Second, there is the issue of Trento in South Tyrol. We must first launch a short and sharp attack to inflict pain on Italy, prompting the Italians to be willing to negotiate with us. Only then can we move north with peace of mind."

"The Vienna Provisional Government itself is very unstable and has little strength. We still have to worry about the Italians."

"Come on, everyone come and take a look."

Faust took a baton from Paulus and tapped the location of Trento on the map. He said, "Tito and Scherner are currently in charge of the Trento front. They only have one regiment. After incorporating the Austrian troops in Trento, this regiment will be expanded into the Third Division of the Wehrmacht, with a total strength of approximately 8,000 men."

"The General Staff proposed a plan to concentrate all our combat-capable troops before marching north to Munich. They would march south overnight, bypassing the Italian left flank from Merano. The main Italian forces were currently concentrated on the right flank, advancing towards Fiume. By focusing their attack on the Italian left flank, the enemy would have no reinforcements to rely on, giving the Wehrmacht a chance to achieve a tactical victory in a short period of time."

Rommel expressed some doubts: "Our army is limited. Even if we muster all our forces, we would only have 30,000 to 40,000 men. Even if we could achieve a tactical victory, it would be unlikely to halt the Italian advance in the long run."

Only by being able to fight can there be peace. The National Socialist Party must first achieve a tactical victory before it can negotiate with the Italians.

However, the Italian army still has hundreds of thousands of available troops. In the long run, the National Socialist Party is still no match for the Italian army, and the two sides are not at the same level of negotiation.

Faust never considered that he would be able to keep Tyrol's southern gate through negotiation in the future.

Faust said, "I don't consider relying on this victory to defeat the Italians. As long as we can buy a little time for negotiations, that's enough! As long as the Italian army pauses in the South Tyrol line, it won't take long, not even a month. In just a few days, we can march our entire division north to Munich. After liberating Munich, the situation will be very different."

Bavaria was originally the second largest state in the German Empire, second only to Prussia in terms of population and land. Although Bavaria's economy is mainly based on agriculture and its industrial strength is relatively weak in Germany, Munich, as the capital of Germany's second largest state, has a large population and is still the second most populous city in Germany.

Munich's industry is a little lacking, but that is only compared with other industrial centers in Germany. If compared with other European countries, Munich's industrial foundation is actually quite strong.

As far as the Austro-Hungarian Empire is concerned, Vienna's industrial base is only comparable to that of Munich. Within Austria-Hungary, only Prague, the capital of the Czech Republic and the most important industrial base of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, has a stronger industrial base than Munich.

"The Italian army currently has only three divisions on the Trento front, and is merely launching an exploratory offensive towards the South Tyrol Pass. If the Austro-Hungarian Empire completely collapses, the Italian army can capture Trento without a single bloodbath. The Italians will certainly take advantage of the situation and attack. If they encounter obstacles or setbacks, given their opportunistic mentality, they will not be willing to fight a tough battle during this critical window when the Allies are scrambling to grab the spoils."

Seeing no other objections, and seeing that Rommel, always cautious in military matters, also expressed his support, Faust stood up and shook hands with Rommel. "Let's go together. This is the first foreign war since the Nazi revolution. It's of great importance. We must win cleanly and beautifully."

Rommel had a fierce look on his face. Before deploying his troops, he was extremely cautious in everything he did. But once he made a decision and was about to take action, Rommel would be more radical and more decisive than anyone else.

Rommel put on his greatcoat and immediately said, "I will take command of the troops immediately and we will be able to set out before nightfall."

From the day of the Tyrol Uprising, the Wehrmacht had been on high alert and had never relaxed. All units were always ready to attack at any time. After the Supreme Revolutionary Committee made the decision to first hurt Italy and use war to promote talks, less than an hour later, the Wehrmacht's First "Greater Germany" Grenadier Division and the Wehrmacht's Second "Republican" Grenadier Division, which had just completed reorganization, had lined up in an orderly manner and solemnly boarded the train to Trento.

The snowstorm continued in November 1918. Beneath the unchanging glaciers of the Alps, the gray uniforms of the Wehrmacht were lined up in a row. Between the dancing silver snakes on the mountains and the galloping wax elephants on the plains, there were already crowds of people.

All Wehrmacht officers and soldiers still wore the field gray uniforms of the German Imperial Army, but in order to distinguish them, Faust had ordered that all soldiers wear a red sleeve on their arms.

In the middle of the red cuff is a white round pattern with a black hammer and sickle logo inside. It looks like it has revolutionary passion but also a bit of cold murderousness.

The same is true of Faust. Over his gray military uniform, he wears a black leather coat that reaches his knees, and on his arms he also wears the National Socialist Party's black, white, and red cuffs.

Faust stood on the platform opposite the train station. The mountain wind blew through, making Faust's hair look like a slicked-back mess. With his hands behind his back, he stood solemnly on the platform, facing the military trains heading towards the South Tyrol Pass, and gave a speech in an exaggeratedly loud voice:

“The revolution requires the creation of a completely new organizational structure for Germany, and this can only be achieved by consolidating the revolutionary organs of power and the revolutionary class itself. In other words, in order to do this, the revolutionaries must have weapons, an army, because, for the reconstruction of any state, the organization of armaments is the prerequisite and foundation.”

"By seizing power in Tyrol, the National Socialist Party has organized the Red Army, which represents the interests of the people, and has established its own organization to control our weapons and army. What we need to do next is to rely on this army to defend the revolutionary regime."

"...We, the revolutionary soldiers of the Wehrmacht, are marching on this expedition to defend the security of the Revolutionary Republic of Tyrol, to protect the first spark of the National Socialist Revolution, and to defend the first red revolutionary base for the liberation of the entire German world. This Regent has already written a will: together with 40,000 revolutionary comrades, we will fight bloody battles at the foot of the Tyrolean mountains. Either we achieve complete and glorious victory, or I, the Regent, will be the first to build Tyrol's Thermopylae with my flesh and blood, and never allow foreign enemies to set foot on the ancestral lands of the German nation for generations!"

Below the platform, applause, cheers, roars... resounded throughout the entire train station.

Because Faust's prestige was already extremely high, the officers and soldiers of the Wehrmacht, just by seeing Faust standing there, were already convinced that victory was already within their grasp. How could morale not be high?!

After the revolution, the three grenadier divisions of the newly reorganized Wehrmacht all followed the National Socialist Party's military reorganization regulations and completely abolished the hierarchy system of the Kaiserliche Landwehr and other unreasonable and unequal practices in the army.

Officers and soldiers were treated equally, and soldiers could elect soldier committees at the grassroots level to oversee the commanding officer, the unit's finances, and political life. All officer promotions and selections were no longer based on discrimination between Junkers and civilians.

The morale of the troops is certainly not low.

In addition, with the Faustians here, everyone believed that the "Hero of Saint Quentin" would definitely lead the troops to win the final victory. The enemy was the Italians, who had always been looked down upon by the German army. So every time a regiment of troops took a train south, cheers that became louder and louder could be heard from the train station.

"Victory! Victory! Hail the National Socialists! Hail Faust!"

"Faust's orders will be passed down, leading us to victory!"

Chapter 148 Snow Storm

On November 7, 1918, Trento was shrouded in snow and wind. Strong blizzards hit this city that guards the mountain pass of South Tyrol. The snow on the outskirts of the city became thicker and thicker, piling up to the soldiers' knees in the trenches.

The Wehrmacht soldiers had to use shovels to lower the snow line quickly, otherwise the trenches would not be high enough for them to hide themselves. It was just dawn, and even Trento's political commissar Tito and commander Scherner were carrying shovels and shoveling snow hard.

Fortunately, the Italian army suspended its offensive late last night and did not launch a night attack. Otherwise, in this snowstorm, the Wehrmacht’s defense line, which was in urgent need of support, would have been in danger of collapse.

“We are too few in number.”

Scherner still had a tense face. Among the many generals of the Wehrmacht, Rommel was a military genius with both movement and stillness, while Kesselring was a social master with a particularly good personal relationship. Scherner was the opposite of Kesselring, and always had a serious and old-fashioned face.