Germany does not seek survival

Chapter 95: That woman is a revolutionary

Rosa Luxemburg.

Liebknecht was the most prestigious leader of the left wing of the German Social Democratic Party, but the person Faust was more interested in was, of course, Ms. Luxemburg.

In Faust's view, this Polish woman is actually a bit like the flip side of Hitler in many ways. She is also a foreigner, and she also fled to Germany from a foreign country. She has become a charismatic leader in Germany who is politically very inflammatory and appealing.

Luxemburg is different from scholar-politicians like Ebert, Kautsky, and Liebknecht. In Faust's imagination, Ms. Luxemburg should be similar to Hitler, with more of the temperament of a street revolutionary, a populist energy that breaks through rules and regulations, passionate and fanatical, and a political personality full of vivid charm.

Both the Luxemburg girl and Dr. Liebknecht were classified as "first-category political prisoners" in Germany. According to regulations, their reading materials had to be reviewed, they were prohibited from communicating with the outside world, and visits to the prison were also subject to strict inspection.

It was only after the February Revolution in Russia that the German military authorities had room for socialist revolutionaries.

The German army wanted to show goodwill to Lenin and others, and the General Staff also considered that if Lenin's bomb was successfully detonated in Russia, the German army would have room for Ms. Luxemburg and others when negotiating with Russian revolutionaries in the future.

In the past two months, the General Staff has greatly relaxed the intensity of Rosa Luxemburg's imprisonment. Now Ms. Luxemburg's prison life has greatly improved. She can communicate normally with the outside world, and the conditions for visiting her have also been relaxed a lot.

When Faust arrived at the residence of Dr. Liebknecht and Ms. Luxemburg, he found that the two lived in detached houses and the conditions were actually quite good. It was more like house arrest than being imprisoned in a prison cell.

The sun is about to set, and the last rays of light cover the small houses in Luxembourg with a layer of golden color. The orange light flows quietly, like a dream, and the light and shadow are ethereal.

Kautsky was willing to help Faust arrange this meeting because the independent party that was about to split from the SPD at the Gotha Conference would include not only the centrist SPD but also the SPD left wing.

Kautsky now planned to unite with Liebknecht and Luxemburg, and to unite the center-left factions of the Social Democratic Party to form an independent party.

Faust, through Sorge's intelligence channels, was well aware that the cooperation between the left wing of the Social Democratic Party and Mr. Kautsky was only temporary, and that the left wing of the Social Democratic Party already had its own secret organization, the "Spartacus League."

The Spartacus Group wanted to first develop influence in the Independent Party. Once the time was right, the Spartacus Group would be able to transform the Independent Party, which was dominated by the centrist faction of the Social Democratic Party, into a true German Communist Party.

Faust walked into the room, and his footsteps startled the little hawk on the windowsill. Ms. Luxembourg was sitting at the desk, her back as straight as an old pen, her faded gray skirt soaked through.

Compared to revolutionaries, when Faust met Ms. Rosa Luxemburg, a great revolutionary whose status in the international communist movement in 1917 was comparable to Lenin, he felt that Rosa was just a literary female college student who was interested in Marxism.

Rosa Luxemburg's appearance easily reminded Faust of a song he loved very much, "She is a Revolutionary" - "The girl in blue jeans sitting next to me with a copy of Marx in her hand..."

Rosa's shiny black braids were tied with a burlap band. She raised her eyes, her pupils were a tempered steel blue, with some fine wrinkles at the corners of her eyes. The shadow of the window frame fell on her face. Perhaps because of the long imprisonment, Rosa Luxemburg's skin was frighteningly pale, and the light blue veins could be clearly seen under the skin.

In the corner of the room, there were half a dozen old books piled up. The spine of "Das Kapital" was frayed, and a copy of Lenin's "The Collapse of the Second International" was half open, covered with pencil annotations, the handwriting blurred and solidified by water marks.

"Would you like a cup of nettle tea?"

Rosa Luxemburg reached out to take the tin cup on the table. Xunma tea is a kind of herbal tea that Germans particularly like. Luxemburg stood up to pour tea for Faust. When she moved, the hem of her gray coarse cloth skirt swayed. Faust looked at her carefully for a moment and admired her sincerely. Rosa's appearance was not absolutely beautiful, but her temperament was cold and outstanding. Even in captivity, she made people feel like a quiet cornflower.

Faust frankly expressed his admiration for Ms. Luxemburg: "Ms. Luxemburg, I've read many of your articles. Of all the revolutionary political leaders in Germany, you are the most charismatic. I've always thought that Germans are deeply mired in the temperaments of Schopenhauer and Hegel, strong in rationality but weak in passion. A revolutionary who can mobilize the people, I believe, must be akin to Lenin in Russia—a leader imbued with fanatical sedition, possessing extraordinary charisma... In Germany, there is only one such person in the Social Democratic Party, and that is you, Ms. Luxemburg."

Rosa Luxemburg simply pointed at the sun outside the window and said, "Look, it's setting."

Faust nodded slightly. The sun was setting in Germany, and Rosa Luxemburg was walking slowly in her long gray dress.

"Lieutenant Colonel Faust, if it is true, as you say, that Germany needs a leader with charisma, then you, Lieutenant Colonel, the Hero of Saint-Quentin, who has begun to wield great influence in the German army, are actually such a person."

The word charisma comes from the New Testament, 2 Corinthians, which means divine power. It is a term used by followers to describe talented people with extraordinary charisma such as Moses and Jesus.

Max Weber, a German sociologist, divided power into three types. The first type of power comes from inheritance of blood and tradition. The second type of power comes from the determination of laws and systems. The third type of power is charismatic power, which comes from the genius and charm of extraordinary individuals in history.

It seems that although Ms. Rosa Luxemburg was under house arrest, her ears and eyes were still sharp. Faust's promotion to lieutenant colonel was only yesterday, but Ms. Luxemburg already knew everything about it.

Faust does not think that he now possesses the charismatic leadership charm, especially when standing in front of Ms. Luxembourg, Faust can still feel the gap in spirit and confidence between the two.

"Ms. Luxemburg, I really like your saying: 'Freedom is not given, it is taken,'" Faust said. "I believe Mr. Kautsky is planning to lead the centrist and left-wing members of the Social Democratic Party to leave and form the Independent Party. He has also invited me to join the Independent Party. Ms. Luxemburg, will you join this new party?"

Rosa Luxemburg smiled, with an expression as if she really understood everything:

"Your emperor won't release me anytime soon, so I don't have to attend the Gotha Conference. This gives me a good reason not to personally join the new party established by Kautsky and avoid possible future setbacks."

"Passive?" Faust repeated the word. "You intend to remain in the background."

Rosa Luxemburg sorted the manuscripts and letter paper on the table and said, "Revolutionaries never bother to hide any of their thoughts. I am just waiting, waiting for the empire to fall into a mess. Then I will get the freedom I deserve."

Faust said: "Most people believe that His Majesty the Emperor can release any political prisoner, but he will not release you, because Ms. Luxemburg, you are a bomb no less than Lenin."

Rosa Luxemburg said quietly, "You're asking knowingly, Lieutenant Colonel Faust. After the Reich's defeat, no one cared about all this."

Rosa Luxemburg was one of the very few visionaries in Germany who, as soon as the fighting began in August 1914, predicted that Germany would be defeated.

Her assessment of the situation was remarkably accurate: "In the first two years, while Germany's situation on the battlefield was relatively favorable, my prison conditions were steadily deteriorating. Starting at the end of 1916, my prison conditions gradually began to improve again, and I realized that Germany's position on the battlefield was definitely becoming increasingly disadvantageous."

Faust stared at Rosa Luxemburg. He admired Luxemburg's analytical ability. After all, among the many politicians and soldiers Faust had met so far, it seemed that only Manstein had such insight.

Such a brilliant and perceptive Rosa Luxemburg...

Faust thought of her fate, of the death of Luxemburg after the January uprising in Berlin in 1919, and he could not help feeling sad. Couldn't she have predicted it? She couldn't have predicted her own death.

"Lieutenant Colonel Faust, you look at me as if I were a talking corpse."

Ms. Luxemburg compiled a manuscript and handed it to Faust: "Germany's military and police systems are among the strongest among the great powers. Class contradictions in Germany are not particularly prominent because capitalism still has great potential for development and economic growth is still strong."

“Germany is not a country where revolutionary conditions are easily ripe, but revolutionaries cannot afford to sit back and wait for them to mature, for that would inevitably lead to becoming vulgar defeatists who only care about reaping the fruits of victory.”

Luxemburg downplayed the bloodshed: "Revolutionaries must shed blood. This blood, gathered into a sea of ​​blood, will gradually mature the conditions for revolution. If everyone only thinks about launching an uprising when the revolutionary conditions are fully ripe, this is pure right-wing opportunism."

Faust also felt that what Rosa Luxemburg said made sense, but he couldn't help but say: "If the conditions are not yet ripe, and we rashly launch an uprising, once it fails, it will bring huge sacrifices to the revolutionaries."

Rosa said flatly, "Sacrifice is inevitable. Sacrifice is also necessary firewood. Without the former sacrifice, there would be no later success."

Faust accepted the manuscript presented by Rosa Luxemburg. Ms. Luxemburg continued, "I don't know, Lieutenant Colonel Faust, are you a friend or an enemy of our German revolutionaries? But I believe that Mr. Kautsky has managed to arrange a meeting between us. This meeting will not be in vain. It will surely become an important milestone for the German people towards their next golden age."

Faust said solemnly: "Ms. Luxembourg, of course I am your friend... I am your comrade-in-arms."

Chapter 96: The Incorruptible

At the same time that Faust met with Luxemburg, Mr. Kautsky also met with Dr. Liebknecht again. As a member of parliament, Kautsky did not need to disguise himself and could directly go to the mansion where the authorities were imprisoned by Liebknecht as a member of parliament.

Dr. Liebknecht's residence seems much more comfortable than Luxemburg's?

I don’t know if this is because of Liebknecht’s father.

Dr. Liebknecht's father, the elder Liebknecht, was one of the earliest founders of the German Social Democratic Party, a participant in the First International and a founder of the Second International.

Like Lassalle, the portrait in President Ebert's official residence, old Liebknecht had gone through a period of both struggle and cooperation with Chancellor Bismarck.

In the eyes of the imperial authorities, Dr. Liebknecht's identity was very different from that of Luxemburg, the Polish woman. He was the son of old Liebknecht. He was not only the son of an old revolutionary, but also the son of the convener of the Frankfurt National Assembly and one of the first members of the German Imperial Parliament.

In the eyes of the authorities, Luxemburg was a Polish woman of unknown origin, while Dr. Liebknecht was the second generation of a founding father who had some historical ties with the upper echelons of the empire, so the methods of handling and treatment were naturally different.

Dr. Liebknecht still had the flat head he had when he was imprisoned in the cell. His hair was cut very short, with only one or two centimeters of black hair on the top of his head. He wore a pair of pince-nez and had a strong scholarly temperament. When he talked with Kautsky, both of them actually lacked some of the revolutionary temperament.

At first glance, Kautsky and Dr. Liebknecht sitting there looked more like two university professors discussing a mathematical problem.

“Militarism is a noose around the people’s necks.”

Kautsky came here to see Dr. Liebknecht, as usual, to persuade Liebknecht that he, like Luxemburg, only needed to make a statement that he would no longer participate in the overthrow of the Hohenzollern dynasty, and the authorities would release Liebknecht.

Liebknecht said without hesitation: "Kautsky, you should understand, "Our mission is not to repair the ruins of the empire, but to tear it down and rebuild it!"

Kautsky smiled bitterly. "How can you overthrow the empire while you're in prison? If I hadn't mobilized people in the government, you and Rosa would still be imprisoned in Breslau. A dark prison is of no help to the revolution."

Liebknecht was very resolute: "If I had been willing to compromise and sign such a statement, I would have signed it in 1914 and would not have spent three years in prison."

Kautsky said, "The situation outside is completely different from that of 1914. Russia has undergone a revolution, and the revolutionary fire is brewing. You and Rosa are both indispensable leaders of this revolution. At such a critical historical moment, I really don't want you to stay in prison and miss the opportunity."

Liebknecht said: "I have been against this war since 1914. Unless the Reich stops the war, I cannot, with all due respect, Kautsky."

Kautsky shook his head repeatedly. "You could just pretend to sign a declaration of change of heart first! Then, once you're out of prison, repent. The authorities won't be able to put you back in jail then. The situation is different now, and the revolutionary atmosphere in the country will undoubtedly be very different. If the authorities were to detain you again, it would only exacerbate the situation, and they wouldn't dare."

Kautsky's approach was indeed a "strategy" that sounded effective, but Liebknecht and Luxemburg were both people who were quite opposed to "strategic means."

Luxemburg's opposition to "strategic means" can also be said to be due to her ideology. Luxemburg believed that such "strategic means" should not be used at will. Otherwise, after using them too much, it would be difficult for revolutionaries to distinguish clearly which are "principles" and which are "strategies" that can be adapted.

Liebknecht was a little different. He was a very stubborn person, or rather, obstinate. Liebknecht was not opposed to "strategic flexibility", but simply despised it.

"Such is my political character, Kautsky, you need not persuade me any further."

Liebknecht closed his eyes slightly and said, "Some people in the SPD are willing to see me as a banner against Ebert. It's not because of my great ability, as everyone knows, but because my position is the most resolute. Therefore, I cannot compromise in any way. Any compromise would greatly disappoint the left wing of the party."

Kautsky also understood the source of Dr. Liebknecht's high prestige.

Kautsky sighed deeply. "Next month, we will hold the Second Gotha Conference with the centrist and left-wing members of the party to jointly plan the formation of the Independent Party. Actually, I originally thought it would be best to do it before the Second Gotha Conference. Let's not talk about Rosa, but at least get you out first, Karl, because you are the most suitable person to be the chairman of the Independent Party."

Kautsky was a theorist and enjoyed considerable prestige among the left-wing members of the Social Democratic Party and the working masses, but unlike revolutionaries like Liebknecht who had strong operational capabilities, Kautsky lacked political charisma.

In short, although Kautsky had many followers, it was difficult to expand his base. If the Independent Party relied on Kautsky to form it, it would definitely not be a match for Ebert.

Only someone like Liebknecht, whose political character is extremely firm, whose revolutionary background is proven by history, and who has always been red, can truly gain the absolute trust of the center-left party members.

"To split the party is an unprecedented undertaking," Kautsky said. "If we were to split the Social Democratic Party, we would inevitably be condemned by all. I don't know how many would accuse me of being power-hungry. There would also undoubtedly be those who would fabricate rumours and charge that I was motivated by political ambition."

Kautsky looked at Liebknecht and pleaded again: "Only you... are incorruptible. Even your enemies believe that Karl Liebknecht is a good and honest man. Only if Karl Liebknecht is chairman of the Independent Party will everyone believe that our split in the party was not caused by a power struggle."

The Incorruptible was the nickname of Robespierre during the French Revolution.

Kautsky gave this nickname to Liebknecht because Dr. Liebknecht was in many respects very similar to Robespierre - honest, resolute, lived a simple life, and never sought personal gain.

The father and son Liebknechts, with two doctors and forty years as members of parliament, had no private property at all. Liebknecht's only wealth was his socialist beliefs.

Liebknecht also understood that Kautsky was now deeply obsessed with "destroying the party and building the party", as if all the revolutionary problems in Germany could be solved as long as the reorganization of the Independent Party could be completed.

Before this, Liebknecht had already asked his followers to cooperate with Kautsky's actions of destroying the party and building a new one. The successful preparation of the Second Gotha Conference was inseparable from Liebknecht's help.

But Liebknecht was not as optimistic as Kautsky about the prospects of the Independent Party.

"Destroying the party and building the party is just a technical organizational issue."

Liebknecht said slowly, "Mr. Kautsky, you are too obsessed with parliamentary and electoral politics. The core resource of your Independent Party is those one hundred or so MPs. However, if I may be frank, your opponents are the General Staff, the Junkers, and Noske, who commands a large number of armed unions and gang thugs. If a full-scale conflict really breaks out, Mr. Kautsky, do you intend to use more than a hundred MPs to man the barricades?"

Kautsky was stunned. "We... Karl, the political task of the Independent Party is to fight for peace without territorial concessions! That, of course, means fighting in the Reichstag."

Liebknecht rapped the table and said, "A peace without cessions! That sounds nice, but even if you pass this bill in Congress and the Germans sing the praises of a peace without cessions, so what? Peace requires the agreement of both the Allies and the Central Powers. If only the Germans agree to a peace without cessions, but Britain, France, and the United States do not, then peace will remain unattainable."

Like Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, although they were imprisoned for many years, they were still scholars who knew everything about the world without leaving home.

"The General Staff's implementation of the Eastern Master Plan in Eastern Europe, supporting puppet states like Poland, Courland, and perhaps Ukraine, clearly shows no desire to seriously pursue a peace without cessions. What the General Staff calls a peace without cessions can only be a peace without cessions for Germany. As for the lands already seized from Russia, do you believe the General Staff will return them?"

Liebknecht advised Kautsky: "For the time being, your Independent Party should at least make more material preparations."

"Material matters?"

"In terms of material, to put it bluntly, it's money and weapons! And of course, there's also personnel. Only with money and weapons can we organize and train a large number of personnel."

Liebknecht always had a very clear understanding of the future of the German revolution. Now it was May 1917, and Lenin had just put forward the April Theses after being sent back to Petrograd by the German army. Liebknecht's judgment of the future situation, like Lenin's April Theses, was one step ahead of others.

He saw very clearly that the future of the German revolution did not depend on parliamentary politics, but on the armed struggle in the streets.

There is one very big difference between Russia and China, that is, Russia already has a large-scale industrial base, and this industrial base is highly concentrated in the two industrialized metropolises of Petrograd and Moscow.

Therefore, during the Russian Revolution, whoever controlled Petrograd and Moscow first would have a huge first-mover advantage.

Germany and Russia are very different.

Germany's industry is much more developed than Russia's, and its urbanization rate has exceeded 60%. In addition, Germany's territory is relatively small, so the form of struggle must be different from that of Russia and China. The most prominent feature is that there is very little room for maneuver and industrialized cities are very important.

In the German Revolution, simply seizing one or two industrial centers was not enough to create a huge crushing advantage. The Brandenburg Industrial Area, the Ruhr Industrial Area, the Saxony Industrial Area, the Silesia Industrial Area...

Any of the larger industrial areas in the heart of Germany would surpass Petrograd and Moscow if placed in Tsarist Russia.

This means that once the internal situation in Germany gets out of control and the country disintegrates, multiple centers will quickly form, just like the Holy Roman Empire and the Thirty Years' War in the past.

Chapter 97: Chess Players, Chess Pieces, and Chessboard

Liebknecht's understanding was very clear, and his ideas were completely different from those of Kautsky, who was still following the parliamentary line.

"Germany has so many industrial cities, which means we can't just take over a country by rioting in the capital."

Liebknecht analyzed this to Kautsky: "Whether through armed insurrection or parliamentary politics, at best, they could only control Berlin. However, if the revolutionaries successfully controlled Berlin, or even the entire Brandenburg industrial region, they would still be unable to exert significant pressure on other parts of Germany."

"This means that the reactionary camp can still organize resistance in other regions, such as the Ruhr area, Hamburg, Saxony and Silesia."

Kautsky was helpless: "What do you mean? You sound as if the German revolution is hopeless."

Liebknecht said emphatically: "No! The hope of a revolution in Germany is growing brighter! But this requires you, Mr. Kautsky, not a declaration of a change of direction from me, but a change of direction from you to me."

Liebknecht told Kautsky, "In the outside world, Mr. Kautsky, you are currently in a very suitable position and have the best chance of opposing Ebert in the future. However, this requires further preparation. Germany has many industrial centers and is geographically located in the center of Europe. Therefore, a revolution in Germany will inevitably be a long war."

Liebknecht's words reminded Kautsky of the Thirty Years' War, the most destructive war in German history, which brought too much suffering to the German people.

Liebknecht felt the same way, a look of compassion on his face: "Germany is located in the heart of the European continent. When Germany is strong, it can attack from all directions and intervene throughout Europe. But this also means that when Germany declines, foreign intervention will follow. This is what happened during the Thirty Years' War. If Germany is not careful, it will become a battlefield for the struggle for supremacy among various European powers."

In the struggle for hegemony, there must be winners and losers. The winners will naturally take all, while the losers will lose a lot.

However, what is even more miserable than the losers in the battle for supremacy is the battlefield where even the table cannot be put on.

Just like the Qing Dynasty during the Russo-Japanese War, it was reduced to a chessboard for others to play chess on—a chessboard! Not to mention being a chess player, it wasn't even qualified to be a chess piece, just a background board.

The chessboard also represents the situation of the German states for hundreds of years before the unification of Germany.