Germany does not seek survival

Chapter 63: Northeastern Sea of ​​Asceticism

"A group of companions from Prussia, settled in the Northeast Sea;

The worldly ties are hard to end, I sit silently facing the cold window, with the cross folded on my chest;

Adhering to the thousand-year-old outstanding will, he cultivated in the Baltic Sea..."

The purpose of Faust's Eastern Master Plan was to weaken the strength of Germany's reactionary forces after the war, but objectively speaking, it was also to find an isolated island in the Baltic Sea for the Prussian Junker nobles where they might be able to escape from the "Red Bandits" in the future.

No matter how much Manstein doubted the feasibility of Faust's plan, he could not imagine what Faust's real intention was.

They should thank us!

After the dinner, Manstein's whole demeanor was indeed different. He no longer cared about entertaining the Greater German Regiment, and handed all the trivial matters to other junior officers with no background in the Operations Department. Manstein himself first sent a secret telegram to Hindenburg who was going to the General Staff Headquarters in Berlin.

Then, Manstein still felt unreliable, so he boarded an express train back to Berlin overnight.

After Manstein left, Faust was still not sure whether the Eastern General Plan he proposed would be approved by the General Staff, but he thought that it was likely that the Eastern General Plan would suit Ludendorff's taste.

The soldiers of the Großdeutschland Regiment immediately moved into the Wilhelm Barracks in Königsberg to rest. The 3rd Division of the Polish Corps led by Colonel Silkowski also conducted training next to the Wilhelm Barracks.

Most of the Polish 3rd Division were new recruits, and their technical and tactical training level was very low, which made Faust and Rommel very dissatisfied. The only noteworthy thing was that the morale of the Poles was generally very high, at least higher than the average level of the general German troops.

In the general plan for the East, Faust also had a hidden isolation zone, which was to use the Poles to build an iron curtain between Courland and post-war Germany to prevent the Courland German army from returning home.

This iron curtain would start from Lithuania and then extend southward along the Polish territory until it reached the border between Hungary and Romania, forming a "Lublin Union" with Poland as the main body, recreating the ancient Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Piłsudski, the leader of the Polish Legion, was actually a Lithuanian. Both of Piłsudski's parents were nobles with high social prestige in Lithuania. Piłsudski himself had a strong "Old Commonwealth complex". In his Polish independence plan, he often called the future new Poland the "Second Polish Republic", which corresponded to the "First Republic" of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

If possible, Faust even hoped to support Piłsudski in realizing his more ambitious "Intermaritime Federation" plan.

The so-called Intermarine Federation is another fantasy of the Poles, which is to establish a Central European political alliance led by Poland and with Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Belarus, Ukraine, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia as members.

As the name suggests, the Inter-Sea Federation is a country located between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. The slogan of the initiative is "From Sea to Sea".

The Poles' own fantasies are too exaggerated, but if Poland can achieve a union with Lithuania, it only needs to unite Western Ukraine within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth to achieve a tripartite federal state of Poland, Lithuania and Western Ukraine stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea.

This country, located between Germany and Russia, whose territory will be damaged in the future, is bound to be an enemy of both Germany and Russia geopolitically. It can become a good breakwater, not only to prevent the German troops on the Eastern Front from returning to Germany, but also to serve as a "scarecrow" to make enemies and ease relations between Germany and Russia.

If the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or the Intermarine Commonwealth becomes Germany's enemy in the future and wants to invade Germany, Faust will not worry, because the internal ethnic conflicts of this super Poland will definitely be particularly sharp, and it will be enemies of Germany and Russia at the same time, and it will be difficult to obtain strong support from Britain and France.

As long as Germany and Russia join forces, they can easily destroy this ugly product of the Treaty of Versailles with a punch left and a punch right.

The main role of Super Poland was to buy time for the German revolution.

Time is the most important thing for German revolutionaries. Faust needs time, the future National Socialist Party needs time, and the German Communist Party, a possible ally of the future National Socialist Party, also needs time.

At this stage, before the National Socialist Party becomes strong and before the Poles successfully establish a large federation, the two sides actually have common interests, which is to overthrow the current Junker rule in Germany.

In the not too distant future, war will surely break out soon.

Faust now revised the position of the Poles in the General Plan of the East. During the training of the Polish Legion, Faust convened another meeting of the National Socialist Party. He told several core members of the National Socialist Party who attended the meeting about the blueprint of the General Plan of the East.

Rommel had some doubts about the Eastern General Plan: "The Eastern General Plan is too long-term, and there are too many variables in the middle. Unless someone can accurately predict the entire development of history in the next three or four years, any plan that takes too long will seem fanciful and unreliable."

Several other officers, out of a more rational mindset, felt that the Eastern Master Plan would have a hard time truly succeeding.

Scherner drew a line on the map, marking the Eastern European separation wall mentioned in Faustian Master Plan for the East. "This wall involves Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, then Belarus, Poland, and Ukraine. It involves hundreds of thousands of square kilometers of land and the future and fate of tens of millions of people. I don't think even Nostradamus would dare to make such a calculation."

Kesselring pointed to the location of Courland on a map and said, "The concentration of over a million Germans in Courland could lead to very serious ethnic conflicts within a decade or two."

Faust glanced at the crowd and said confidently, "If the National Socialist revolution succeeds, we will be able to liberate Courland and resolve these racial conflicts before they have time to ferment. If our revolution fails, then, comrades, the German people will face a fate far greater than just a minor racial conflict. Not only will the Germans of Eastern Europe, but even those in Central Europe and the Balkans will be driven back to the west bank of the Elbe River like pigs and dogs after tens of millions of deaths."

"If our revolution fails, Germany will have only one fate: the end of the thousand-year-long German expansion east of the Elbe. It's unknown how many people will die in this process. Perhaps not just tens of millions of Germans, but tens of millions of other Europeans will also be buried with them."

"Before the monstrous sea of ​​blood arrives," Faust raised a finger high. "Only by cleansing everything with a great flood can we avoid the sea of ​​blood that will drown the earth."

The mustache had great faith in Faust's prophecy. His faith in Faust had reached a level similar to a devout religious belief. However, when it came to the question of the Poles, the mustache had absolutely no good feelings towards them:

"To build this eastern wall, we have to do a lot to help the Poles. But look at people like Sikorski. If they ask us to help them, I guarantee that the Poles will turn against us afterwards. The story of the farmer and the snake is not uncommon. No matter how much we help Poland, the Poles will only hate us more."

Inside the Wilhelm Barracks headquarters where the National Socialist Party convened its Central Executive Committee, Sorge and Tito had already produced several National Socialist flags bearing the "Black Hammer and Sickle" emblem. Faust placed his hand on the center of the flag on the table.

"Over the next few years, Eastern Europe will undergo a transformation unseen in a thousand years. Across Eastern Europe, one power will take its place, another will appear, and the flags of the princes will change. Today's allies may become tomorrow's enemies, and tomorrow's enemies may fight side by side. The old king is dead, and the new king has not yet emerged. Power shifts like the wind. If we wait until the next moment, it may not be the Poles' turn to attack us first."

Faust stepped to the front of the stage and said, "Comrades, let's take a simple vote. Those who support the Eastern Master Plan, please raise your hands."

Of course, the man with the mustache raised his hand first without hesitation. Rommel looked at the other officers, and after looking at each other for a while, they all raised their hands hesitantly.

Then came Sorge and Tito. Sorge raised his hand and said, "Charles V had a motto, 'Man plans, God decides.' If the world is unpredictable and the political situation is unpredictable, we must do our best."

“The world belongs to the patient.”

Seeing that everyone expressed their support for him, Faust slowly said, "The crown will eventually fall, and the throne will eventually change hands. We still need to accumulate strength and bide our time."

Chapter 64: Coaxing and Deceiving

Given the current situation, there is still a lot of room for cooperation between the Great German Corps and the Polish Corps, so Faust found Colonel Sikorski again.

The soldiers of the Polish Army's 3rd Division were still undergoing basic military training, while Faust and Colonel Sikorski got straight to the point:

"Colonel Sikorski, we have a grand plan that will be extremely beneficial to the Poles, but it presupposes a swift defeat of Russia. To accomplish this goal, we rely on forces like the Polish 3rd Division. However, we hope Mr. Piłsudski will demonstrate a greater willingness to cooperate."

Colonel Sikorski stared at Faust. "Cooperation? The Polish Legion is cooperating with the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Major Faust, we are cooperating with the Vienna government. And as always, the Polish Legion has completed all the military tasks assigned to us by the Vienna government."

Faust invited Colonel Sikorski to the headquarters of the Great German Regiment in the Wilhelm Barracks. Faust sat across from Colonel Sikorski and said:

"Polish Legion, Poles, Colonel, we all know this! As Shakespeare wrote in The Tempest, even a fox will guard the henhouse when a wolf is at the door. Politics creates strange alliances. The Polish Legion and the Grossdeutschland Regiment have a basis for cooperation for a common goal."

Colonel Sikorski narrowed his eyes. "Excuse my confusion, Major Faust. The cooperation you're referring to isn't between the Polish Legion and the German government, but rather between the Polish Legion and the Großdeutschland Regiment. The Großdeutschland Regiment is a unit, so what's your position on independent cooperation?"

Faust raised his chin slightly, confidently saying, "I know you, Colonel, don't have the final say. Please tell Mr. Piłsudski what I'm saying. Tell him that the Great German Regiment and the Polish Legion are on the same train. Even if we get off at different stations, since we're on the same train, we must unite."

Faust's words began to surprise Colonel Sikorski, who asked suspiciously, "Major, what do you mean?"

Faust smiled. "I can reveal to you a piece of confidential information. The Vienna authorities have made up their minds. Within a few months, they hope to promote a loyalty decree. The ultimate goal is to require all officers and soldiers of the Polish Legion to swear allegiance to the Habsburg royal family."

Faust pointed at Colonel Sikorski's nose and said, "Every officer of the Polish Legion must swear allegiance to Emperor Charles I."

Faust did not make up some big words to scare the Poles. After the old Emperor Franz Joseph I of the Austro-Hungarian Empire died in November last year, the attitude of the newly enthroned young Emperor Charles I towards the Polish Legion had changed greatly.

During the reign of Franz Joseph I, the Polish Legion was retained with a greater degree of independence and was not forced to swear an oath of allegiance to the Habsburg royal family. However, Charles I was not so concerned. The young emperor was young and energetic and was eager to show himself. The Vienna authorities were also very worried about the growth of the Polish Legion, so they planned to start forcing Polish officers to swear allegiance.

In Europe, the oath is not just an empty statement. The roots of the oath taken by European officers can be traced back to the vassal oath in the Middle Ages. Even in modern times, this tradition has been retained to maintain the military hierarchy.

Especially for European officers of aristocratic origin, taking an oath is a symbol of honor. Breaking the oath means "losing chivalry" and will lead to social death in the traditional conservative military culture.

Most of the officers of the Polish Legion were originally aristocrats. For example, Piłsudski's parents were both local aristocrats and celebrities in Lithuania.

The Galicia region ruled by the Austro-Hungarian Empire has always been composed of Polish nobles at the top and Ukrainian and Belarusian peasants at the bottom. Therefore, when the Polish uprising took place, Ukrainian and Belarusian peasants spontaneously organized armed forces to suppress the uprising. This was due to the class contradictions between Ukrainian peasants and Polish nobles.

Faust asked, "If the Viennese authorities forced you to take an oath of allegiance, would the Polish Legion accept it?"

Colonel Sikorski hesitated. He understood that Piłsudski would never make such an oath of allegiance to the Habsburg Emperor, and most of the senior officers of the Polish Legion would certainly not tolerate it. Once an oath crisis broke out between the Polish Legion and the Vienna authorities, the cooperation between the two sides would surely break down.

Faust looked at Sikorski's hesitant expression and smiled. "After the Oath Crisis breaks out, as long as the Poles refuse to yield, the Vienna authorities will definitely begin to restrict the Polish Legion. Forget about your attempts to further expand the Polish Army. It's very likely that the Vienna authorities will directly abolish the Polish Legion and no longer allow you Poles to participate in the war as an independent unit. Instead, they will reorganize the Polish Legion into an auxiliary force, or even dismantle it and incorporate it into the Austrian army."

Colonel Sikorski was finally touched: "Major, since you are willing to tell us all these inside stories about the Poles, you must have the secret to solving the problem!"

Faust extended his hand and raised his index and middle fingers in front of Sikorski. "I've said it before, the Grossdeutschland Regiment wants to achieve unity and solidarity with the Polish Legion. We can accomplish two things together. First, work together to defeat the Russian Empire as quickly as possible. Second, after the Russian Empire collapses, we can mutually benefit from each other. If the Polish Legion wants to avoid disbanding, it should cooperate with the Grossdeutschland Regiment's actions, and the Grossdeutschland Regiment can help the Polish Legion with the General Staff."

Colonel Sikorski still had some doubts: "Do you have such a big say in the General Staff? Moreover, Major, what exactly does the Grossdeutschland Regiment want to command the Polish Legion to do?"

Faust smiled mysteriously. "Colonel Sikorski, I'll let Mr. Piłsudski ask me these questions! Simply convey my message to Piłsudski. Tell him that the Grossdeutschland and the Polish Legion are currently aligned on their stances regarding Russia and Germany."

"What does the Major want the Polish Legion to do?" Sikorski asked again.

Faust snorted. "First, please ask Mr. Piłsudski to bring the Polish First and Second Divisions, along with other elite troops, to Königsberg as soon as possible to reunite with us. I understand that Piłsudski is using the fighting on the Warsaw front as an excuse for not wanting to bring his troops. Perhaps he doesn't want to be monitored by the Großdeutschland Regiment and participate in the war against the Lithuanians."

Faust continued, "Because you Poles have always regarded the Lithuanians as our allies for generations, the Polish Legion is unwilling to fight the Lithuanian troops in the Russian army. You would rather use your main force to defend Warsaw."

Sikorski didn't make any more excuses on this issue: "Major, you are right. This is indeed the idea of ​​the Polish Legion. We prefer to fight in Russian Poland and do not want to fight in other areas that have nothing to do with the future independent Poland."

Faust shook his head. "Please convey these words to Mr. Piłsudski. Wasn't Lithuania once part of Greater Poland? If the Polish Legion performs well in the Baltic region, the General Staff might offer you a new promise: to allow Poland and Lithuania to merge."

Colonel Sikorski was astonished: "I don't think Berlin and Vienna can admit this."

Faust chuckled, "Hey, Berlin and Vienna have one thing in mind, and our Greater German Legion has another. I can personally promise the Polish Legion that we will definitely promote a federation of Poland and Lithuania in the future."

"The premise is that the Polish Legion must obey our command," Faust added.

The more Colonel Sikorski listened, the more he felt that Faust was unfathomable. "You? Major, it seems there's more than just you. Who are you? There must be more than just the Großdeutschland Regiment!"

Faust raised his left hand and said, "We stand on the left wing of the German flag. You see, the Great German Regiment is only a representative of our armed forces on the front line. In the rear, we have greater potential strength."

Colonel Sikorski was horrified. He made a bold guess: "You! You represent the German Social Democratic Party—"

"Shh..."

Faust said, "I can only tell you that Mr. Piłsudski will not suffer any loss if he cooperates with us."

Colonel Sikorski unilaterally speculated that Faust and the Grossdeutschland Regiment should be the representatives of the German Social Democratic Party or the doves on the front line. Otherwise, if Faust only had the Grossdeutschland Regiment in his hands, he would be unlikely to influence the decision-making of the General Staff.

Chapter 65: Piłsudski

Sikorski had also heard that Major Faust was said to be a close confidant of His Royal Highness Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria. It was very likely that Faust also represented other princes in Germany who were dissatisfied with Prussia.

Colonel Sikorski thought that everything made sense when he thought about how Hindenburg and Ludendorff had taken over the General Staff and the Eastern Front Operations Office had been handed over to Prince Leopold of Bavaria.

Sikorski suddenly understood. "I completely understand. Major, the political forces you represent hope to achieve a compromise through a more moderate attitude. No problem. Commander Piłsudski is certainly willing to cooperate with people like you. The Polish Legion has actually been waiting for an olive branch from the German doves."

Faust easily persuaded Sikorski: "Then, Colonel, please persuade Mr. Piłsudski to lead his troops north as soon as possible. Also, the Polish Legion should cooperate more diligently with the Großdeutschland Regiment in future operations."

Colonel Sikorski nodded and agreed to Faust's request. Faust knew very well that although he could deal with Sikorski, it was unlikely that he would really make Piłsudski believe his words.

A shrewd person like Piłsudski would probably quickly figure out the true strength of the National Socialist Party and the Greater German Group.

However, Faust was not worried about the prospect of cooperation, because Piłsudski should have quickly realized that even if the National Socialist Party's armed forces were limited, due to Faust's special status as a German war hero, cooperation between the Poles and Faust would still have many benefits.

The Poles had secret channels of communication among themselves, and Colonel Sikorski had a small radio in his hands.

Soon after leaving Faust's regimental office, Sikorski sent a secret telegram to Piłsudski in several installments using the internal code of the Polish Socialist Party, briefly explaining to Piłsudski Faust's proposal for cooperation.

The radio signal instantly crossed the vast hinterland of Eastern Europe. On the east bank of the Vistula River, the sky was just getting light. The First and Second Divisions of the Polish Legion, with tens of thousands of elite soldiers, were busy building defensive fortifications on the river bank. A gray figure stood on the embankment on the bank of the Vistula River. Looking at his gaunt face, it was none other than Joseph Clemens Pilsudski, the leader of the Polish independence movement and commander of the Polish Legion.

Piłsudski wore a lead-gray French jacket that looked very similar to the Chinese Mao suit, a must-have for politicians of the era who advocated simplicity.

"Mr. Smetona, in your opinion, which political force in Germany is behind Faust?"

Next to Piłsudski was a middle-aged man with a goatee named Antanas Smetona. When he was young, he was a very famous Catholic priest in Russian Lithuania. Later, because Tsarist Russia forced the Lithuanian Catholic Church to be merged into the Russian Orthodox Church, Smetona turned to the Lithuanian national independence movement.

After the German army occupied most areas of Russian Lithuania, Smetona began to move from underground activities to public activities. He organized the Lithuanian People's Rescue Association in the German-occupied areas and served as the chairman of the Central Committee of the Rescue Association.

Smetona had no army, but the Germans allowed him to move freely, so Smetona quickly found Piłsudski. Piłsudski already had ideas about Lithuania, so he immediately cooperated with Smetona and began to secretly help Smetona train Lithuanian officers.

Smetona stroked his beard and speculated, "What's the current situation? You and I are both well aware of it. The German army has been victorious on the Eastern Front and is on the verge of completely crushing Tsarist Russia. However, on the Western Front, the German army still cannot break the Allied blockade. In the short term, the German army may very well crush Russia, but in the long term, the German army is still no match for the Allies."

Piłsudski stood on the riverbank, the spring breeze off the Vistula bringing him joy. "Russia is already showing signs of defeat. If Germany is defeated by the Allies in the future, it will present a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for independence for the majority of small ethnic groups in Eastern Europe oppressed by the three great powers of Germany, Austria, and Russia."

Smetona analyzed this and said, "Faust's initiative to cooperate likely represents the doves in Germany, namely Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, Prince Leopold, and Prince Max of Baden. They are all moderates who advocate a so-called fair armistice on the premise that Germany does not cede territory or pay indemnities."

Piłsudski chuckled, picked up a stone from the river bank and threw it into the water, causing a series of ripples on the quietly flowing surface of the Vistula River.

"No, I know these dove-like princes in Germany very well. To me, they are not doves at all, because these nobles themselves are by no means pacifists. They just think that Germany cannot afford to fight a war of attrition with the Allies for several more years."

Piłsudski said gravely, "Germany's princes and nobles are all enthusiastic about war. This doesn't distinguish between doves and hawks; there's no difference. The only difference is that the hawks still believe Germany can win, while the doves have little hope of victory. There's one thing they all share: the German princes and nobles are all cowards who only dare to act arrogantly from behind the safety of their positions. They certainly don't have the courage to secretly seek a secret alliance with the Polish Legion."

Smetona was stunned. "Faust's backers aren't Germany's dove princes, Mr. Piłsudski. It's unlikely that Faust's backers are the German Social Democratic Party!"

Piłsudski sneered. "I've been friends with Ebert, the chairman of the German Social Democratic Party, for many years! I know Ebert all too well. He's cowardly in opposition to the war and incompetent in revolution. That's the true nature of Ebert. He's held power in Germany's largest party, the Social Democratic Party, for many years. Even if the Kaiser used the SPD as a rubber stamp, that rubber stamp still represented a social status no less than that of a prince and a hefty parliamentary allowance..."

"The leaders of the German Social Democratic Party, ah, people like Ebert, they only dare to participate in games that they are sure to win, and they certainly wouldn't dare to take the risk of colluding privately."

The Ebert mentioned by Piłsudski is Friedrich Ebert, the current chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. He is the right-wing leader of the German Social Democratic Party and his status in the party is far higher than that of the centrist Kautsky and the left-wing Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg and others.

Smetona was even more confused: "It's not the Southern German princes, nor the Social Democratic Party. Then who is behind Faust?"

"Is there necessarily someone behind Faust?"

Piłsudski's heart was slightly moved. Faust, the war hero who had recently become famous, had a very high reputation among German soldiers, but he came from a poor family and was not from a noble family. He was not a famous politician before the war. How many resources could he control!

"I have a bold guess: there may be no one behind Faust. He is just a lone wolf Blanquist, possibly inclined towards revolution, or perhaps a Bavarian independence advocate. There is a high probability that there is no other political faction behind Faust."

Smetona frowned. "This... Faust has no backing, yet he dares to do such a big thing. How audacious must he be?"

Piłsudski wasn't entirely sure. "It's hard to say. If there really is another force behind Faust, he could be the Left Revolutionary Party representing the German Social Democratic Party. Perhaps Faust is a subordinate of Liebknecht and Luxemburg."

Smetona agreed: "Indeed, if that were the case, the only people in Germany who would have the guts to carry out such a conspiracy would be the left wing of the Social Democratic Party."

Smetona then asked, "Mr. Piłsudski, now that Faust has extended an olive branch, will the Polish Legion cooperate with him?"

Piłsudski calculated in his mind that the Great German Regiment was not strong in terms of military strength and Faust's political status was not high. If he cooperated with him, the resources Faust could provide would probably not be many.

However, the Berlin authorities had originally required that the Polish Legion be monitored by the Greater German Legion in the future. The secret cooperation between the two sides might have prevented the Polish Legion from being used as cannon fodder.