Master Yuan, start!

0Who has provided a solution in history?

Soviet Russia, Soviet Union!

7. In other words, both Lao Ma and Lao En had thought about uniting the farmers, but neither of them had the time to systematize it because they suddenly passed away.

To paraphrase a later saying, "Western thinkers have struggled for years to fully grasp what socialism actually is. Perhaps Marx's thinking was better, as he proposed the Caucasus Forks theory in his later years, but he died too young, and so it gradually became rigid."

The Russians took on this task and put it into practice in World War I with success.

But the timing of the October Revolution in Russia in the original time and space was too late for Yuan Shikai.

In this era, China has cleverly established a regime that is a mixture of feudalism, capitalism, and socialism. This regime also happens to be dominated by peasants.

But it was not stable, so Yuan Xiangcheng needed to find help, European help.

Only when Europe is in chaos can China hope to overtake.

It wasn't until the February Revolution or even the October Revolution that the original socialists really noticed the role of the peasantry. Even then, European socialists viewed the peasantry as a mere aid, not their true proletarian base.

On the contrary, who values ​​farmers more?

It is undoubtedly China, the worker-peasant alliance represented by the Chinese Communists.

But unfortunately, the trend of paying attention to farmers did not emerge until the 20s in the original time and space, and the Chinese Communists represented by these theories did not have the opportunity to directly confront the European Marxists.

As for this time and space, Yuan Shikai came directly to Europe in the early days of the Second International in 1899, introduced the peasant theory of the next 30 years, and injected it into the current Marxist theory.

In other words, the international communist movement needs to be accelerated and wound up!

Long live the people, but the masses are also ignorant.

We can no longer fantasize about parliamentary struggles, we can no longer hope for the kindness of capitalists, or the self-awakening of the proletariat. Every country must have a creative vanguard to lead the people in overthrowing the bourgeoisie.

Thinking of this, Yuan Xiangcheng glanced at the whole audience and concluded earnestly:

“Gentlemen, I only want to express one thing: to overthrow the bourgeoisie, we can never rely on internal strife among them, nor can we rely solely on the unilateral strength of the working class.

We must unite, to the greatest extent possible, all forces opposing the bourgeoisie.

We must concentrate our most advantageous human and material resources to deliver a fatal blow to them."

袁项1城的声音陡然拔高，带着一种不7容置疑的六威严：“革9命，不1是请客4吃饭。

The Second International is by no means a game of house.

Rather than debating for two years whether a French socialist should join a bourgeois cabinet, it would be better to expel him directly or strip him of his socialist status.

After all, capitalists never show mercy when exploiting workers!"

Chapter 521: Xiangcheng's Selfishness

When we walked out of the Brussels Grand Theatre, it was already late at night and the electric lights on both sides of the street were emitting a dim light.

Ma Jianzhong followed behind Yuan Xiangcheng with a frown on his face and a heavy step.

He couldn't help but ask, "Chief Instructor, if it's really as you said, and we train troops and provide assistance to the European left, it will consume more than a little bit of national strength.

Is it worth it for a country thousands of miles away?"

There was a hint of worry and confusion in his tone, and he looked at Yuan Xiangcheng's back with complicated eyes.

These days, Ma Jianzhong has learned a lot about the situation of the European left.

To be honest, he didn't have much hope for these so-called "socialists".

In Ma Jianzhong's view, these people are like the literati in the Qing Dynasty who only knew how to gather together to complain, drink and write poetry, with more empty talk than practical work.

The Second International sounds like a big name, but in the past, in China, it was at best just a larger local association.

This reminded him of organizations such as the Zhejiang Society, the Jiang Society, and the Jiangnan Scholars Association.

Considering the so-called parliamentary proposals, they are nothing more than a replica of "scholars' petitions" and "petitions to the emperor". They have limited influence on the government. Whether they can really be effective depends entirely on whether they can reach the ears of the king or the emperor.

As a former civil servant stationed in Korea, he reported the situation in Korea to the Qing court several times, claiming that the situation in Haedong was chaotic and that plans should be made early. However, his words were not influential at the time, Li Hongzhang did not reply to his letters, and the Qing central government did not pay much attention to him.

Yuan Shikai, with thousands of troops under his command, put down the rebellion in Seoul overnight. After returning to Beijing, he proposed training troops in Korea or establishing industries, and the court agreed to whatever he said.

In a word, if you don’t have the power of a knife in your hand, you will have no confidence in what you say or do.

With these experiences, and as someone who witnessed the entire process of the Paris Commune from its establishment to its hanging, Ma Jianzhong was not optimistic about the future of the Second International.

However, Yuan Xiangcheng was obviously not as pessimistic as Ma Jianzhong.

He stopped, turned around and faced Ma Jianzhong, clenched his right fist, and his eyes flashed: "Is it worth it? Of course it's worth it!

Whether they succeed or not, it's worth it for us!" His voice was strong and powerful.

Yuan Xiangcheng paused and continued with a more determined tone: "Whether successful or not, Europe will always be in chaos.

By then, wouldn’t it be a good time for China to rise up?

What's more, Uncle Mei, don't forget that although I call myself a socialist and want to liberate the world, I am still a Chinese after all.

When it comes to aiding Europe, we will naturally act within our means.

Compared to changing the situation of workers around the world, changing the current situation of ordinary people at home is more urgent. I still know which is more important."

Ma Jianzhong was stunned for a moment, then a thoughtful expression appeared on his face. He murmured softly, "But...

Chief Instructor, aren't you afraid that the news from this theater will spread to the King of England and the Kaiser?"

Yuan Xiangcheng seemed to have anticipated that he would have some concerns and waved his hand to interrupt him.

Ma Jianzhong's face changed slightly when he heard this. He looked around uneasily and said in a low voice, "You mean..."

Yuan Xiangcheng smiled slightly, with a cunning arc on the corner of his mouth: "Uncle Mei, the adults change like tigers, the villains change their faces, and the gentlemen change like leopards.

Of course I want to build a socialist country in the future, but I will never rule out the use of capitalist means.

If you don't even understand the principle of speaking one thing to one person and another thing to another, how can you handle diplomacy?

We, the Chinese Social Revolutionaries, regardless of our theories or principles, must ensure the interests of the Chinese people to the greatest extent possible. Only in this way can we live with a clear conscience."

Is Yuan Xiangcheng selfish?

From the perspective of the global left-wing movement, he is undoubtedly selfish. He does not blindly believe in socialism or international communism. He is more of a pragmatist.

But who can truly be global-minded and inclusive?

The Soviet Union's actions in the mid-20th century were nothing short of "generous."

Whether it was providing weapons support to the Far East at the beginning of its founding, or supporting major colonies to break free from the rule of the colonial powers during the Cold War, in the eyes of ordinary people, the early Soviet Union always appeared as a "beacon of democracy."

But in the final analysis, everything the Soviet Union did was to improve its external environment.

While they certainly want to promote the advent of global proletarian revolution, they will not hesitate to act when it is necessary to safeguard their own interests.

Otherwise, China would not have joined forces with Germany to divide Poland before World War II; condoned Japan's invasion of Northeast China during World War II; and suppressed Czechoslovakia and Hungary after World War II.

After all, you can't consider the Soviet Union the light of the proletariat only when it advocates workers' autonomy and opposes Anglo-American hegemony.

We must look at it dialectically.

A country cannot do without noble goals, otherwise its people will become corrupt.

But the goals they always shout about are too false, inhumane and unrealistic.

Slogans can sound noble and great, but when it comes to putting them into practice, we must always do them step by step in accordance with objective laws.

This is also what Yuan Xiangcheng thought.

Exporting revolution is important, but improving domestic living standards is equally important. In fact, the former can sometimes give way to the latter.

The European left in 1899 was still a rather mixed bag, with no clear distinction between the center-left and the extreme left.

It was not until before World War I that their contradictions became completely acute and irreconcilable.

What Yuan Shikai wanted to do was to intensify this contradiction in advance through the Boer War and the confrontation between Britain and Russia, Britain and France, and Germany and France.

He stood on the streets of Brussels, the night breeze was cool. He turned to face Ma Jianzhong, his eyes searching: 2 "4% Shanwu Luh Shen:

"Uncle Mei, you've been in Europe for quite some time now. You should be familiar with the various factions within the Second International, right?"

Ma Jianzhong nodded, stroked his beard, and answered seriously: "Originally there were three factions. The first faction advocated parliamentary struggle and was called the revisionist faction by everyone. They called themselves the reformists;

The second faction advocated revolutionary seizure of power and armed uprising, and they were the so-called revolutionaries, who called themselves orthodox;

There is also anarchism, but before the last Munich Congress, the first two factions had already united to expel the anarchists, so now there are only two factions left.

After listening to this, Yuan Xiangcheng nodded slightly, with a meaningful smile on his face:

"If one of the three sects is eliminated, the remaining two may seem to be in a state of equilibrium, but in the end, they will inevitably be unable to escape the fate of two tigers living on the same mountain!"

When he said this, his tone was a little joking, as if he had foreseen future developments.

Then, Yuan Xiangcheng stepped forward with a steady and calm pace, and whispered:

“What we need to do is to make the reformist social democrats who advocate parliamentary politics, peaceful struggle, and limited cooperation with capitalism

Break away as quickly as possible from the revolutionaries, or communists, who advocate violent revolution and the overthrow of the bourgeoisie."

At this point, Yuan Xiangcheng suddenly stopped, turned around and looked directly at Ma Jianzhong, his tone low but full of power: "Once these two factions break up, the latter will definitely be suppressed by European governments in a short period of time, and may even be forced to develop in secret.

As a result, these revolutionaries lost their apparent funding and support, and were completely opposed to the moderates, so they had no choice but to turn to the Far East and to us.

After Yuan Xiangcheng finished speaking, he stared at Ma Jianzhong with a sharp gaze, as if to confirm whether the other party fully understood what he meant.

Compared with the original time and space, pushing forward the internal division of the Second International by more than ten years will undoubtedly greatly affect the time of development of the European left.

Ma Jianzhong didn't know the story of the parallel universe, but he understood the situation the Second International would face after its split. So he opened his mouth in shock and couldn't help asking, "But what happens next?"

Yuan Xiangcheng smiled, his tone calm but revealing a cold rationality: "What's next? Looking around the world, we are the only ones willing to support them in continuing the proletarian revolution. They can only continue the violent revolution."

He raised his head and looked into the hazy night in the distance, his eyes deep: "Continuously stirring up riots and making a lot of noise will further antagonize the European working class and the bourgeoisie.

The more chaotic Europe is, the better the situation will be for East Asia.

If Europe really falls into chaos and the proletariat launches a revolution, I will definitely not hesitate to lend a hand.

Everything we are doing now is to delay Europe's development and buy precious time for domestic development."

Ma Jianzhong finally understood Yuan Xiangcheng's profound meaning, breathed a sigh of relief, and nodded.

He knew in his heart that the man in front of him was meticulous and far-sighted. He had been like this during his time in Korea, and every move he made was carefully planned.

Although this strategy may appear utilitarian or even cold-blooded, it is the most pragmatic option for China today.