Master Yuan, start!

Lenin looked far into the east, his gaze seemed to penetrate the Eurasian continent, with a look of joy and doubt in it.

Chapter 440 Reaction Four Resolutions

In 1898, when the Munich Congress was held in this time and space, the Second International had already become an organization with more than 70 political party members, with a presence throughout Europe.

Among its members, well-known political parties include the British Labour Party, the German Social Democratic Party founded by Marx, and the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party of which Lenin participated.

Lesser-known political parties include the Palestinian Jewish Social Democratic Labor Party, the Paris Indian Association, and other organizations of Asian, African, and Latin American countries.

　The Second International may seem to be an unofficial, non-governmental organization, but in fact, at the end of the 19th century when the League of Nations had not yet been established, it could be said that the Second International was the number one international organization on the planet that could connect the three continents of Europe, America and Asia.

It was also under the leadership of the Second International that the world workers' movement was able to develop to a new stage, laying the theoretical foundation for workers' uprisings and even violent revolutions in European countries during World War I.

However, in 1898, the contradiction between labor and capital within capitalism had not yet developed to the point where it was completely irreconcilable.

The capitalist politicians in power in countries such as Britain, France and Germany tend to cooperate with the leaders of their own socialist parties, attracting them to participate in government affairs, and relying on this condition to curb the workers' movement under the leadership of these socialist parties to a certain extent.

Miller, a member of the French Independent Socialist Union, joined the French bourgeois cabinet half a year ago and served as Minister of Industry and Commerce.

Faced with this act of "peace" with capitalism, Luxemburg, Bebel and others in the Second International opposed the entry of socialists into the cabinet, and they advocated that violent revolution was the way out.

The "revisionists", mainly Bernstein, Jaurès and others, strongly supported Miller's entry into the cabinet and declared that this was the first step for the proletariat to seize power.

The Munich Conference was held mainly to discuss this matter.

Led by the young people, Lenin came to the grain district of Marienplatz in Munich, a century-old church.

This is where the conference is held.

After walking in through the side door, Lenin found that the church was already full of people and the meeting had already begun.

Representatives from different countries and regions gathered in small groups, listening to the speeches of the conference host while discussing something with each other.

On the podium in the center of the church, a woman with short blond hair sat among a group of men who were half a head taller than her and gave an impassioned speech.

Lenin found a seat in the corner and sat down quickly. Although he was not German, he had studied German for a while in Poland, so he could vaguely recognize some words.

"betray..."

"sin..."

"Dead end..."

"sacrifice..."

Lenin planned to move to a closer position and listen carefully.

He looked forward and found an empty seat next to a black-haired man. He quickly bent over, walked over, and sat next to him.

After sitting down, Lenin realized that the person next to him had yellow skin, black hair, and obviously Asian appearance.

This person was Yan Fu, who set sail from Tianjin at the beginning of the year and was invited to Europe to participate in the Munich Conference.

"Hello." Yan Fu thought the person coming was a German based on his appearance, so he greeted him in German and pretended to shake hands.

While studying in the UK, Yan Fu not only learned English, but also learned German in order to go to Germany to purchase ships later.

"Hello." Lenin also responded in German and extended his right hand to shake hands.

After the two of them nodded briefly, Lenin finally heard what was going on on the podium.

It is obvious that the debate between Rosa Luxemburg and Bernstein and others is no longer limited to newspapers.

There was also a quarrel at the Munich Congress of the Second International.

Rosa Luxemburg, with her golden hair, stood up. Noticing that everyone was looking at her, she simply walked out of the podium and stood on the stone pedestal in the center of the church. After looking around, she said loudly:

"Fellow delegates to the conference, I must tell you that Mr. Bernstein's proposal for an alliance with the bourgeoisie is a betrayal!

Only violent revolution can establish a proletarian regime. Do you think the capitalists will be willing to share their wealth with the workers?

Think about it, if the Chicago workers had not stood up and went on strike, would the American capitalists be willing to compromise and implement the 8-hour work day?

They even think that it is extremely sinful for workers to receive a salary. They would rather let workers work 18 hours a day without paying a penny!

Rosa Luxemburg's remarks successfully touched the hearts of the American representatives present.

As soon as he finished speaking, they all applauded and cheered.

Led by these American representatives, the European representatives, who made up the majority of the audience, also began to applaud.

Bernstein saw this and didn't feel at a disadvantage. He also stood up and looked at Luxembourg and the crowd, and said very frankly:

"Ms. Luxembourg, fellow delegates, in my opinion, violent revolution is a dead end.

What can the working class use to fight against an army armed with live ammunition, huh?

Take Germany as an example. Did they want the coal miners in the Ruhr area to take pickaxes and go head-to-head with the Junker officers?

Politicians can't just sit back and watch others bleed and die with a clear conscience! "

After Bernstein finished his speech, the whole place fell silent.

Many representatives lowered their heads in thought. After all, they could not answer this question.

Although most of the socialists present came from poor backgrounds, the fact that they were able to attend the Munich Conference was enough to show that they had now achieved a certain social status.

It is undoubtedly extremely difficult to ask them to give up their current lives or even their lives and devote themselves to a revolution with an unknown future.

When the conference chairman Kautsky saw that the representatives in the audience all had thoughtful expressions in response to the speeches of Luxemburg and Bernstein, he decided to do something to bridge the contradictions.

"I think both of you have a point!" Karkautsky, the leader of the Second International, stood up, clapped his hands, and said:

“The proletarian regime must be built by the proletariat and should not involve the bourgeoisie.

But at the same time, the time for violent revolution is not yet ripe, at least not in Europe.

The Paris Commune suffered a tragic defeat in the face of the weak French capitulation government. Currently, Britain, France and Germany have strong military equipment, and it is not yet the time to launch an armed uprising.

We must not nowadays regard the participation of individual socialists in bourgeois governments as a normal beginning for the conquest of power.

At best, this can only be regarded as a temporary and special measure taken out of necessity. It is a matter of strategy, not a matter of principle."

It’s not a matter of principle!

Seeing that the chairman of the conference had set the tone, although the participants had their own ideas, they no longer discussed this motion.

The first resolution of the Munich Conference was thus formed.

Lenin in the audience scoffed at this view and remembered a German word he had learned: eraser.

"Kautksy is just like an eraser. Not only does he have the same name, but he also does it in the same way. He can stretch it easily without offending anyone."

Kautsky did not know that his compromise proposal would be called the "rubber resolution" and would later be widely circulated and criticized.

At this time, he was busy pushing the next motion to be voted on at the conference.

Kautsky cleared his throat and said, "Okay, next, let's discuss whether to accept the Chinese Socialist Revolutionary Party into the Second International and condemn France's colonial war in Indochina."

"I disagree!"

Before he finished speaking, the German Bernstein stood up again and voiced his objection.

“China’s Socialist Revolutionary Party is not even a workers’ party in the strict sense; they are not qualified to represent the Chinese working class.

Their war with France was by no means an anti-colonial war, but rather a war for the struggle for interests.”

The Social Democratic Party to which Bernstein belonged is the largest workers' party in Germany. It has more than 100,000 members to date, most of whom are workers.

After hearing Bernstein's speech, Frenchman Jaurès stood up and retorted: "On the contrary, I think this is an anti-colonial war.

France colonized Indochina, and the Chinese came to their rescue. This is an indisputable fact.

It was a rare sight to see Bernstein, a German, supporting the French government, and Jaurès, a Frenchman, opposing it.

In particular, they are both supporters of Miller joining the cabinet.

Seeing this scene, Yan Fu couldn't help but sigh in Chinese:

“Before I came here, the headmaster told me that the left is infinitely divisible, and I shouldn’t be surprised to see European socialists arguing.

Now, I have gained a lot of knowledge.”

Lenin listened to the Chinese people around him mumbling something incomprehensible. Just as he was about to ask for advice, he saw Kautsky, the chairman of the conference, pointing with his right hand, indicating Yan Fu to come up and speak.

Seeing this, Yan Fu straightened his "revolutionary attire" and strode forward.

"Hello, delegates. I am Yan Fu, a representative of the Chinese Socialist Revolutionary Party.

I know that many of you still have misunderstandings about the Chinese Revolution, thinking that it is just a coup-style revolution, just like the Third Republic replacing the Second Empire in France.

However, I need to tell you that China was not a normal country before.

Before that, we had been colonized by the Tatars for nearly 300 years, and this was a revolution for national independence...

I admit that workers do not constitute the majority of China's Socialist Revolutionary Party, but you need to understand that in China today, workers are a minority group...

Our land policy has demonstrated our efforts to guide the Chinese Social Revolutionary Party onto a socialist path...

Therefore, I would like to invite you to go to the Far East, to China, and observe the Chinese Social Revolutionary Party in person to see whether this is a peasant uprising or a socialist experiment in progress.

The Second International has always believed that the primary task of the people in colonial countries is to first join the communist organizations of the colonial authorities' mother countries and then gradually seek social revolution.

But Yan Fu's speech changed their views.

At the conference, the nine formed a second resolution, which was the resolution that "the revolution in the colonies can be carried out simultaneously with the revolution within the capitalist countries", also known as the "China Resolution".

Because Yan Fu made a proposal that no one present could refuse.

The Chinese can help the European Social Revolutionaries train troops for violent revolution.

After the meeting.

"Mr. Yanfu, please stay!"

Just as Yan Fu was about to leave the church, a man with an unfluent German accent caught up with him.

"My name is Lenin, and I'm the head of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. I have some questions about the Russian Revolution that I'd like to discuss with Mr. Yanfu."

Chapter 441 The Revolutionary Mentor is Guided

The Second International appears to be a noble and pure organization, but if you peel off the cloak of the workers' movement, you will find that it also suffers from the same common problems as all later international organizations.

That is, financial support.

The German Social Democratic Party was the strongest and provided funds to the Second International, thus maintaining and expanding its influence to the greatest extent possible.