Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The Soviet Union would never have thought that Wei Hongjun would attach so much importance to the Soviet Union's agricultural situation. He would compile all the information on Soviet agriculture and then let his subordinates analyze it.

Deng Zhihui looked at the Soviet agricultural data handed over by Wei Hongjun. It was not comprehensive data. It was fragmented. After all, it was not professional intelligence theft, but only some publicly obtained information on Soviet agriculture.

But Deng Zhihui has always been in charge of agriculture, so after a quick study of the scattered information in it, including the summarized charts, he found serious problems.

That is, the per-acre yield in many places in the Soviet Union has been declining, and the rate of decline is very rapid.

It's not normal.

It is possible that grain yield per mu will decline due to various reasons. But such a large-scale and widespread decline in yield per mu is

This is something that absolutely shouldn't have happened.

If something major hadn't happened, this would never have happened. "I've carefully studied the Soviet grain data for 1961. There are too many inconsistencies. It's definitely not the accurate figure for Soviet grain production. I can now clearly judge that

Comrade Khrushchev's "corn reform" in the Soviet Union has completely failed. His "corn reform" not only took up a lot of Soviet funds, but also occupied a lot of good arable land in the Soviet Union, affecting the production of other agricultural products in the Soviet Union. Now the Soviet Union's corn production has not achieved the results he wanted. Even most of the corn-growing areas,

The corn harvest in 1961 was disastrous.”

"I concluded that the reason for these problems in Soviet agriculture was Khrushchev's 'corn reform'.

This is not a scientific agricultural development decision at all. Instead, it is an unscientific and blind agricultural development decision promoted by Comrade Khrushchev based on his successful experience in Ukraine.

During this "corn revolution," the Soviet Union relied solely on large-scale land reclamation, the widespread use of agricultural machinery, and chemical fertilizers as a means of increasing production. However, their seed improvement efforts were inadequate, and they lacked research into specific soil conditions. The aftereffects of these problems are now beginning to emerge.

"We are all cadres who have been responsible for agricultural issues for many years. Once agricultural problems begin to arise, a chain reaction will occur. The Soviet Union began to invest a lot of money in the defense industry and the oil industry because of the war in Indochina and the rise in international oil prices."

"So the current situation is that there are serious problems in Soviet agriculture. However, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is not paying attention to agriculture, which will lead to food problems in the Soviet Union."

"So I predict that the Soviet Union's food problem will explode in 1962 and 1963. It will not only be a food crisis in the Soviet Union, but a food crisis for the entire socialist camp. Currently, the Soviet Union exports about 150 billion kilograms of grain to Eastern Europe and North Korea every year. If the Soviet Union's own grain production problems arise, the Soviet Union will have to import grain to solve the problem, let alone export grain to these countries. At that time, Eastern Europe and North Korea will also face food crises."

"Comrades, we cannot just think that our country has survived the disaster. We must also consider the situation of the entire socialist camp. So our situation in 1962 was much better, but we need to increase our

Grain reserves of about 300 billion to 400 billion jin.

"With this food, we can stabilize the possible food crisis in the socialist camp."

This food crisis in history had a huge impact on the Soviet Union.

First, the Soviet Union spent over two billion US dollars, even using a large amount of gold due to insufficient foreign exchange, to solve its domestic food problem. At the same time, the Soviet Union began to rely on imported food, resulting in the Soviet Union's food security being controlled by the United States throughout the Cold War.

Another was the Soviet Union's food crisis, which directly led to a food crisis in the socialist camp. Many Eastern European countries had no choice but to import food from Western countries at this time, and the entire socialist camp experienced turmoil.

The socialist camp currently held the upper hand in Indochina. Wei Hongjun could not allow the socialist camp to face food shortages at this time. Of course, Wei Hongjun also hoped to use this opportunity to further bind China, the Soviet Union, and the socialist countries.

Moreover, the socialist camp has spent a lot of money in the face of food crises in history. The United States and China can also earn this money.

With such a huge amount of money, China could import so many good things from the Soviet Union.

Of course, Wei Hongjun also didn't want Khrushchev's "agricultural reforms" to fail completely, triggering political turmoil in the Soviet Union and leading to Khrushchev's swift downfall. Khrushchev's downfall was possible, but Wei Hongjun hoped it would be delayed. While Khrushchev also enjoyed meddling in the affairs of the socialist bloc, he was nothing compared to Brezhnev.

Wei Hongjun preferred to deal with Khrushchev.

If Khrushchev could have successfully overcome the food crisis, perhaps he would not have stepped down so quickly.

"300 billion to 400 billion jin."

Deng Zhihui thought for a moment and said, “Although the harvest looks good this year, judging by the current spring plowing situation,

This year's grain output can only increase by about 1961 billion jin compared to 500. This means we can only allocate an additional 100 billion jin of grain this year."

"Correct."

Deng Zhihui sighed. This meant they still had to tighten their belts. Ten billion jin was a lot, but compared to China's population of 100 to million, it wasn't much either.

Wei Hongjun looked at Chen Guodong and said, "Comrade Chen Guodong, are there any problems with the Ministry of Food this year?"

"As long as everyone cooperates, there won't be any problems."

Chen Guodong shook his head.

Originally, Chen Guodong had thought the Ministry of Food would have an easier time this year, but now that Wei Hongjun had made such a judgment, Chen Guodong naturally had to follow suit.

Wei Hongjun was not only a renowned military commander, but also rarely made errors in his judgment across all areas. Even when he was in charge of disaster relief, Wei Hongjun instructed the Ministry of Food from the outset to prepare for a tough and protracted war. Sure enough, the nationwide drought lasted for three years.

If China had not been prepared for a protracted war, it would have been starving for food. Therefore, Chen Guodong firmly believed Wei Hongjun's prediction that the socialist camp would face food shortages.

Wei Hongjun looked at Fu Qiutao again and asked, "Can the Material Reserve Bureau hold on?"

"No problem in 1962."

Fu Qiutao made a guarantee.

However, Fu Qiutao quickly added: "General Secretary,

As long as there is no severe drought like in 1962 in 1961, the Material Reserve Bureau will definitely be able to hold on. But if the situation is still very serious in 1962, then the Material Reserve Bureau will have to work hard this year. By 1963,

The National Material Reserve Bureau is in real danger. It's not just the National Material Reserve Bureau; grain reserves in every province across the country are almost depleted. They'll be fine this year, but if something goes wrong next year, it'll be a real disaster."

During the past three years of severe drought, the reserves of grain-producing provinces were largely consumed, and the National Material Reserves Bureau also consumed a large amount of grain.

Everyone’s food reserves are in danger now.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Said: "Let's get through this year first."

Wei Hongjun knew that by 1963, the nationwide disaster would be completely over, and China's grain production would be able to recover.

Once China's grain production recovers to over 5000 billion jin, China's food security will be guaranteed. So Wei Hongjun is quite relieved about this.

"it is good."

Fu Qiutao nodded.

Wei Hongjun looked at Deng Zhihui's gloomy face, so he smiled and said, "Mr. Deng, this time I still need you to take full responsibility for this matter."

Deng Zhihui could only nod.

Wei Hongjun said to Li Shaocheng: "Comrade Shaocheng,

This year is a good year, and rural areas must pay attention to agricultural production.

The recovery of agriculture this year will directly affect the smooth implementation of the Third Five-Year Plan."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun knew his own requirements, which made Deng Zhihui and others feel embarrassed.

But Wei Hongjun could only do so.

Wei Hongjun also believed that Deng Zhihui would be able to coordinate all aspects. After the grain meeting, Wei Hongjun took a break and chose to talk with Zhou Bin and cadres from the finance, financial, and foreign trade departments.

1143 layout in Hong Kong

Just two days after the Macau Financial and Economic Work Conference ended, Wei Hongjun met with Zhou Bin and other cadres from the finance, financial and foreign trade departments, one of the reasons being to implement the contents of the previous financial and economic work conference.

Those units that can make it to the Financial and Economic Work Committee meeting basically have already had a rough plan.

Therefore, many of the contents approved at the Financial and Economic Work Committee meeting can be implemented quickly.

The first is the establishment of China National Cereals, Oils and Foodstuffs Import and Export Corporation.

Since the decision had already been approved, the Rural Work Department didn't drag its feet. Instead, they quickly convened a meeting and recommended Wu Nansheng. This cadre is quite young, born in 1922, and only 39 years old this year, but he's also a 25-year Party veteran. Wu Nansheng was Deputy Secretary-General of the Central South Bureau when Deng Zhihui was Secretary. He participated in the land reform in Central South China alongside Deng Zhihui and was one of the Bureau's key land reform cadres.

Deng Zhihui had a good impression of him.

This is mainly because Wu Nansheng has a very flexible mind and a strong ability to accept new things.

So after the Rural Work Department was established, Deng Zhihui also brought him to the Central Committee. After Zhang Linchi, the former Secretary-General of the Rural Work Department, went to Guangxi to serve as Deputy Secretary, Wu Nansheng first served as Deputy Secretary-General of the Rural Work Department, and then began serving as Secretary-General of the Rural Work Department shortly after the Ninth National Congress.

It can be said that he is a cadre that Deng Zhihui highly respects and trusts.

Deng Zhihui therefore recommended Wu Nansheng for the position of Party Secretary and General Manager of China National Cereals, Oils and Foodstuffs Import and Export Corporation. Having the Rural Work Department recommend a cadre for the top position at China National Cereals, Oils and Foodstuffs Import and Export Corporation was a compromise between the Ministry of Foreign Trade and the Ministry of Rural Work. After discussions between the Ministry of Rural Work and the Ministry of Foreign Trade, the Ministry of Foreign Trade accepted the Rural Work Department's recommendation. The report was handed to Wei Hongjun, who, after consulting with Deng Zhihui and Zhou Bin, signed Wu Nansheng's appointment letter.

In fact, Wei Hongjun also admires this young cadre very much.

Wu Nansheng had worked as Deng Zhihui's secretary in the early days of the Rural Work Department, so Wei Hongjun had a lot of contact with him. He was a very capable cadre.

Then came the personnel appointments of China National Energy Import and Export Corporation, which was jointly reported by the Ministry of Petroleum Industry and the Ministry of Coal Industry. After discussion between the Ministry of Petroleum Industry and the Ministry of Coal Industry,

A cadre from the oil industry serves as the Party Secretary of China National Energy Import and Export Corporation.

Oil exports were greater, and oil was even more important. The Ministry of Petroleum Industry recommended two people: Zhang Wenbin, a veteran of the Taiyue Military Region who later participated in the construction of the Yumen Oil Base, and Zheng Yongguo, who participated in the Songliao Oil Campaign.

Zheng Yongguo was one of the earliest local cadres in Sheng County to join the Sheng County guerrilla army.

He was from Zhangjia Village, Wei Hongjun's earliest settlement in Sheng County. He was the seventh child in the Zheng family, so everyone called him Zheng Qilang. Zheng Qilang's cousin, Zheng Liulang, was Wei Hongjun's first appointed director of women's affairs in Sheng County. He was also the deceased ex-husband of Zhang Qiuping, who was transferred to Zhejiang after the Ninth National Congress and appointed Deputy Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee by Wei Hongjun after the Tenth National Congress.

After joining the revolution, Zheng Qilang changed his name to Zheng Yongguo, indicating his determination to bravely fight for his country. However, Zheng Yongguo lacked much talent for warfare, unlike Zhang Qiuping's younger brother, Zhang Shan, who fought extensively and was now a corps commander. However, Zheng Yongguo possessed excellent coordination skills, which led him to serve in the headquarters and logistics departments.

During the Liaohe Oilfield Campaign, the Fuzhou Military Region dispatched five oil engineers to Northeast China. Zheng Yongguo was among them, participating first in the Liaohe Oilfield Campaign and later in the Songliao Oilfield Campaign. During both campaigns, Zheng Yongguo's coordination skills impressed Commander-in-Chief Lei Jiabin, who appointed him his assistant.

Yu Qiuli was very cautious in his actions. Currently, the two largest factions within the oil sector are: one is the cadre who developed during Wei Hongjun's tenure as Minister of the Fuel Industry, when he established the Yumen Oil Base as a training base for China's oil engineering teams and personnel; the other is the cadre who were subsequently transferred to the oil engineering units during both minor and major oil campaigns.

Many cadres from the Yumen Oil Base were from the First Field Army. They were mainly involved in the development of oil fields in Shaanxi, Xinjiang, Qinghai, Sichuan and other places. Later, large-scale troops were transformed into oil engineering troops. The cadres here were mainly from Shanxi, Chahar and Hebei and North China.

They participated in the development of oil fields in Northeast and North China.

Yu Qiuli did not make the decision himself, but struck a balance, recommending Zhang Wenbin from Qinghai Oilfield and Zheng Yongguo from Shengli Oilfield.

After careful consideration, Wei Hongjun ultimately chose Zhang Wenbin. This wasn't to appease Yu Qiuli or to protect the other factions. Rather, it was because Zheng Yongguo was currently serving as deputy commander-in-chief and deputy secretary of the Party Committee at the Shengli Oilfield Command, a prime opportunity for him to showcase his abilities. Waiting until the Shengli Oilfield campaign was over would be better for Zheng Yongguo's future.

Zhang Wenbin was appointed Party Secretary and General Manager of the China National Energy Import & Export Corporation, while Zheng Yongguo continued to serve as Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Shengli Oilfield Command. The Ministry of Coal Industry then recommended Lin Yu, Assistant Minister of the Coal Industry, formerly Secretary of the Datong Federation of Trade Unions, Secretary of the Datong Mining Bureau Trade Union, Secretary-General of the Datong Municipal Party Committee, and Party Secretary of the Datong Mining Bureau, as Deputy Party Secretary of the China National Energy Import & Export Corporation.

Lin Yu is two years younger than Wei Hongjun, and his current rank is not as high as many cadres from the Eighth Column. However, within the Eighth Column, a relatively new faction, Lin Yu is a highly experienced cadre with strong personal relationships with Wei Hongjun and Li Shiping. When Wei Hongjun entered Sheng County, there were less than 20 Party members in the military and local areas combined. Lin Yu was one of these local Party members at the time, and a former student of Li Shiping.

Later, he worked as a political cadre in the army, and then served as Organization Minister, County Magistrate, County Party Secretary, and member of the Cha'nan Party Committee in Sheng County. He became Assistant Minister of the Ministry of Coal Industry thanks to his outstanding performance in the Datong Mining Bureau.

After Wei Hongjun became the Party's successor, his influence on the Jin-Cha-Ji and Eighth Column factions was enormous. Even if Wei Hongjun didn't personally intervene, many young cadres, currently in their forties, would inadvertently benefit from the cadre adjustments that followed the Tenth National Congress.

Because everyone knows it.

Jinggangshan, Ruijin and Yan'an are all revolutionary holy places.

Once Wei Hongjun becomes the head of the party, Sheng County will most likely become one of the important centers of the Chinese revolution.

At that time, all the cadres who came from the revolutionary background in Sheng County will gain great benefits.

The Ministry of Foreign Trade had high hopes for the newly established China National Chemicals Import & Export Corporation (CNCEIC). The Ministry of Foreign Trade had consolidated a large number of its trading companies into the newly established CNCEIC.

To facilitate the establishment of China National Chemicals Import & Export Corporation (CNCIC), the Ministry of Foreign Trade promoted Lu Xuzhang, currently Vice Minister of Foreign Trade, who had previously participated in the establishment of China Resources and served as the first General Manager of CNCIC. The Ministry hoped that Lu Xuzhang, as Party Secretary and General Manager of the newly established CNCIC, would transform it into China's largest trading company.

After Wei Hongjun discussed with the Secretariat, he signed all these recommendations.

In addition to these large foreign trade companies newly established by the Ministry of Foreign Trade, Wei Hongjun and Zhou Bin mainly discussed issues in Hong Kong and Macao this time.

Hong Kong is a small place.