Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Xu Xin is 41 years old this year. If the Corps had not been disbanded, he would at least be a Corps-level cadre. Xu Xin is a military general who grew up completely in Jin-Cha-Ji. At the age of , he joined the Eighth Route Army with a group of students and became a soldier in the First Division of Jin-Cha-Ji. Because of his education, he quickly rose to prominence under Yang Quanwu. Later, when Xu Xin became the head of the regiment, Yang Quanwu spoke highly of him, saying that Xu Xin fought very well and that Xu Xin had brought out the power of the Eighth Route Army. He said that the regiment led by Xu Xin was a brave regiment with explosive combat effectiveness! It is conceivable how much Yang Quanwu admired Xu Xin.

During the Liberation War, he marched south with the Fifth Field Army and also led troops to North Korea during the latter stages of the Korean War. After returning to China, Xu Xin was selected by the Military Commission to study at the Voroshilov Military Academy in the Soviet Union, graduating with honors three years later. Upon returning to China, he served as First Deputy Director of the Joint Tactics Faculty Committee of the Higher Military Academy and concurrently as Deputy Chief of Staff of the Beijing Military Region.

Xu Xin was not only a skilled battlefield general, but also had continued his studies after liberation, significantly improving his military theory. Furthermore, he was a native Jin-Cha-Ji military commander, and Wei Hongjun trusted him greatly. For someone in Wei Hongjun's position, the selection of secretaries was extremely cautious.

Wei Hongjun did not follow the Chairman's example in this regard. The Chairman chose secretaries quite arbitrarily, and many young people were chosen as secretaries simply because they were talented.

But it became clear that such haphazardly chosen secretaries had numerous problems. A young person, newly employed and without any work experience, suddenly became the chairman's secretary, completely unsure of their place. Precisely because of their sudden rise to power, they lost sight of their place. While seemingly powerful, the chairman's secretaries were, in reality, no more than township or department-level officials. These politically inexperienced young people were unprepared for the complexities of politics and were subsequently embroiled in political turmoil, a situation from which few could escape.

Because of what happened to the Chairman, Wei Hongjun generally chooses secretaries with a certain level of work experience and rank. They already have a certain level of political experience within the Party, so they won't be overwhelmed. Wei Hongjun also considers their discipline and trustworthiness.

So, when choosing a political secretary, Wei Hongjun singled out Zhao Han's name. Zhao Han's situation at the time would have placed him at the level of a deputy provincial party secretary or vice governor. Despite his young age, he had considerable experience, making him a perfect fit for Wei Hongjun's role as political secretary. In 1961, Wei Hongjun was also extremely cautious in selecting a military secretary, ultimately choosing Xu Xin.

“What do you think of the situation in Vietnam?”

Wei Hongjun looked at the Vietnam War report summarized by Marshal Xu and his colleagues and asked Xu Xin about it. Xu Xin was currently Wei Hongjun's military secretary, but he couldn't be Wei Hongjun's military secretary forever. In the future, he would definitely have to lead troops in the field or serve in the General Staff.

"This 'Victory Offensive' is now drawing to a close. While it inflicted heavy casualties on the US and its operatives, it failed to systematically annihilate the enemy's vital forces. Furthermore, the Vietnamese People's Army itself suffered considerable casualties, so they failed to achieve their desired strategic objectives. While some cities and military bases were captured, the overall war situation remained largely unchanged. From a strategic perspective, the 'Victory Offensive' was a failure."

Xu Xin expressed his opinion.

The Vietnam War has reached a stalemate, with both the US and the Vietnamese People's Army at odds. The US military has been increasing its troop strength for the past two months, and the Vietnamese People's Army has also begun nationwide recruitment. As more and more light weapons are entering Vietnam from China and the Soviet Union, Vietnam will be able to arm more troops.

In southern Vietnam, many rural areas have already become military servicemen.

They didn't lack guns, but ammunition. So the Vietnamese People's Army transported a large amount of ammunition to them. Of course, the US military also dealt a heavy blow to the Vietnamese People's Army's logistics.

With the approval of more than $400 billion in defense funds, the US military is still moving quickly. The US military has deployed a large number of aircraft in Southeast Asia and has carried out

More than 40000 bombing sorties.

Not to be outdone, the Chinese and Vietnamese air defense forces demonstrated their full might. During the two-month "Victory Offensive," Chinese and Vietnamese air defense forces jointly shot down over 700 US aircraft. Seven US B-52 bombers alone were shot down. Five of these were shot down by Chinese surface-to-air missile units using Hongqi-7 surface-to-air missiles, while two were shot down by Vietnamese units.

To support the Vietnam War, Khrushchev had already provided Vietnam's surface-to-air missile forces with 140 SAM-2 missiles, a greater number than the various missiles he had provided to China. However, most of Vietnam's SAM forces were undertrained and unable to directly see combat. However, a small number of elite troops had already been deployed and shot down two B2 bombers using SAM-52s.

The two sides were at a stalemate.

The Vietnamese People's Army's "Victory Offensive" failed to cause any serious damage to the US military. Similarly, the US military's efforts to wipe out the Vietnamese People's Army are not so easy at the moment.

The biggest reason is that the South Vietnamese government is simply impossible to support.

Vietnam's current military resources are controlled by the Workers' Party of Vietnam. Since the outbreak of the war, the Workers' Party's greatest advantage has been its complete control over the Vietnamese countryside, including the rural areas of southern Vietnam. Numerous towns and villages are also under its control. This gives them control over the military resources, while the South Vietnamese regime, retreating to the cities, now faces its greatest crisis: a lack of manpower and insufficient food supply in the cities.

Although the South Vietnamese government was also a rookie government in history,

The army is also a rookie army. But at least they have a lot of people,

The combined military and police forces numbered over a million. They couldn't fight a real war, but at least they could clap their hands and serve the US troops. But the South Vietnamese regime now only had a handful of large and medium-sized cities. Forget about raising a 200,000 or 300,000-man army, and even food would require US assistance. So the US military had to go it alone.

"This won't work."

Wei Hongjun looked through the Vietnamese reports, including the analysis reports from Marshal Xu and his colleagues, and said, "Vietnam always launches large-scale battles like this, and each battle results in such heavy casualties. They don't have enough time to train and replenish their forces in the rear."

Wei Hongjun really has a headache.

The Soviet military advisory group truly regarded Vietnam as the Soviet Union during World War II, and the Vietnam battlefield as the Soviet-German battlefield during World War II. They believed that hundreds of thousands of casualties on the front lines were a minor matter, so they kept forcing Vietnam to launch major battles.

This major battle did indeed cause considerable casualties to the US military.

But at the same time, the casualties of the Vietnamese People's Army were even more severe. Tens of thousands, even hundreds of thousands, of casualties occurred in each battle. Vietnam was not the Soviet Union and could not withstand such a large-scale attrition.

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "Xu Xin, tell Comrade Xu Xiangqian to conduct a comprehensive military and political analysis of the situation in Vietnam, and to develop a detailed strategy and tactics for the Vietnam War. We still need to communicate with the Soviet Union."

"Yes."

Xu Xin nodded. Actually, watching the Vietnam War, Xu Xin wanted to fight himself. The Vietnam War had started well, and the situation wasn't bad either. But constantly mustering troops like this was leading to heavy casualties.

"Tell Comrade Xu Xiangqian to link the Vietnam War with the war in Indochina. The Vietnamese People's Army can disperse and participate in the war in Indochina. The troops can cross Cambodia and enter Thailand to expand the US military's front. The US military is short of manpower. Once the front is expanded, it will lose sight of one thing while focusing on another, which will create opportunities for the Vietnamese People's Army to annihilate the enemy. The Vietnamese People's Army has so many people focusing on those cities in Vietnam. It is not effective to always concentrate troops to launch such large-scale battles."

"Yes."

"What's the situation in Pakistan?"

"Baosheng Company has completed its first arms deal with Pakistan, with the transaction value equivalent to two army divisions. Pakistan mainly exchanged cotton and cashmere products for them.

77 Wei Hongjun nodded.

Pakistan and China previously had little to do with each other. However, due to their shared enemy, India, the two countries began to interact. Although India is currently embroiled in civil unrest, the Congress Party remains deeply rooted and unlikely to be easily defeated. India will hold a general election in March next year, and the Congress Party will undoubtedly need to take some action to restore its reputation and prepare for the election.

Shastri now relies on the support of Congress Party elders to maintain his position, but current public opinion is very unfavorable to him.

If Shastri wants to continue to be the Prime Minister of India next year, the only way is to fight a morale-boosting war to regain the face he lost before. Of course, he dare not retaliate against China, so the only target he can choose is Pakistan.

Pakistan is taking advantage of India's defeat by China to kick it when it is down, and India will definitely not tolerate it. So Pakistan began to actively prepare for war.

One of them is to purchase weapons and ammunition from China.

The United States has cut off its aid to Pakistan, preventing Pakistan from getting the weapons and ammunition it wants from the United States. So Pakistan can only turn to China for help.

Pakistan currently has limited exports. Therefore, Pakistan ultimately opted to trade cotton and cashmere products for Chinese arms. While the cotton was for domestic use, the cashmere was unaffordable for the Chinese people. The cashmere was primarily intended for export to the Soviet Union.

These cashmere products were sold to the Soviet Union at a very high price.

In the Indo-Pakistani War, Pakistan was severely beaten by India. When Shastri was India's Prime Minister, Indian troops could have reached the Pakistani capital if the US and the Soviet Union had not intervened. It's unclear what would happen if the two sides fought again this time.

"Pakistan is just short of money now. If they were not short of money, they would even want to buy our J-6 aircraft."

Pakistan is too poor.

"We can't afford to buy too many arms products. China is not like the United States or the Soviet Union, and we don't have enough strength to provide them with arms for free," Wei Hongjun said as he signed the Baosheng Company report.

At this time, Zhao Han walked in and said to Wei Hongjun, "General Secretary, the Financial and Economic Work Committee meeting will begin in forty minutes."

"I see."

Author's words

The last chapter I uploaded was the chapter after this one, I will change the chapter number

1138 State-owned Assets Management Supervision Committee

"Comrade Zhou Bin is describing the reality."

Tao Zhu, who had just been promoted to the central government, spoke.

Tao Zhu was a member of the fifth class of Huangpu Military Academy, participated in the Nanchang Uprising and the Guangzhou Uprising, and became a party member in 1926. In terms of qualifications,

Tao Zhu and Ke Qingshi are both well-known figures in the party.

Tao Zhu held a crucial position among the local cadres of the Fourth Field Army. Tan Zheng, the deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the Fourth Field Army, was the highest official in charge of the Northeastern cadres going south, but it was Tao Zhu who was actually in charge of the work of these cadres going south.

When the suppression of bandits in Guangxi was not going well, the central government transferred Tao Zhu to Guangxi. After Tao Zhu arrived in Guangxi, he set aside Zhang Yunyi, Li Tianyou, and Mo Wenhua, who were originally in charge of the suppression of bandits in Guangxi, and let Yang Dezhi take full charge of the military issues of the suppression of bandits.

Tao Zhu was personally responsible for local land reform. As a result, the two worked together to quickly resolve the bandit problem in Guangxi, allowing many people to see Tao Zhu's decisive and swift approach.

Later, as the governor of Guangdong, he worked with Luo Qirong to combat provincialism, clan power, and rural feudalism in Guangdong, using very drastic measures. Many people even reported Luo Qirong, Tao Zhu, and Chen Tao for promoting "leftist" policies in Guangdong. One can imagine the tactics they employed in Guangdong.

After succeeding Luo Qirong as Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee,

Guangdong's social and political conditions are remarkably stable, and its economic development is booming. This demonstrates Tao Zhu's exceptional abilities. This time, despite being transferred to the central government, Tao Zhu is not currently serving as Vice Premier of the State Council because the Third National People's Congress has not yet convened. However, after the 10th National Congress, Tao Zhu first served as a standing member of the Finance and Economics Committee, collaborating with Zhou Bin on financial affairs.

Tao Zhu said: "Let's talk about the situation in Baoan District.

According to the situation in Baoan District, only 73 enterprises with full shares in Baoan District are counted; Baoan District has used various methods, mainly using their land to invest in 32 state and provincial enterprises; Baoan District has 118 cooperative enterprises mainly using land as shares; Baoan District has supply and marketing cooperatives run by rural cooperatives using land and property as shares.

161; 29 enterprises in Bao'an District own shares in rural cooperatives through investment; and 77 Sino-foreign joint ventures established by Bao'an District and foreign enterprises.

Due to the unclear land policy, the Baoan District was unable to auction land, so they chose to use land equity to solve the land problems of many companies and factories.

As a result, the Baoan District holds shares in many companies, some more, some less, but in all cases, they all hold some stake.

Tao Zhu continued, "This is just a simple statistic. The real situation is far more complicated than this.

The current situation in the Bao'an Special District is that various departments and companies under its jurisdiction have various investments. The Finance Bureau will invest funds or establish businesses when needed. The Industry Bureau will also invest and establish businesses. Furthermore, not only does the Special District directly own urban land, but many subordinate units also have land under their jurisdiction. These entities circumvent policies by using this land to support certain businesses and acquire shares in them. This makes it extremely difficult to compile statistics. As a result, the Bao'an Special District itself does not know how much money it actually has or how many shares it holds in companies.

"Many companies, after a leadership transition, often have new perspectives. They often lose focus and support for existing businesses and focus on developing new projects. This can easily lead to accounting confusion." "Each department has its own companies, and some have investments in them. However, the extent of their authority over these companies is unclear. Furthermore, while they are all state-owned enterprises with government investment, collaboration can be very problematic due to their different departments."

Wei Hongjun wrote down in his notes while listening

The words "mixed ownership".

The government's asset management is now more complex and challenging than it was in the past. At this time in history, the country was essentially dominated by state-owned enterprises, and they were generally single-sector.

Whether it was state-invested, provincial-invested, or municipal-invested, ownership was clearly defined. Furthermore, at the time, politics was in command, and everything served the government's planned economy. Therefore, these factories had limited autonomy.

But now it's different. There are too many enterprises with different ownership structures, including cooperation between state-owned enterprises, which has also created a large number of enterprises with different ownership structures.

This creates a problem for the central and local governments in managing assets. Because the central and local governments must clearly understand,

Which assets belong to whom, who should manage these assets, etc.

This thing is very complicated.

Just like those shares that are only for investment but do not have the right to operate, how should the government manage and guarantee the interests of these shares? Currently, the government does not have a complete plan.

Therefore, each region can only act independently, and each region has different policies for the management of these assets.

Of course, as China's largest base for processing imported materials, Guangdong has the most serious problems in this regard.

"This problem does exist."

Tao Zhu and Ke Qingshi were not the only ones promoted from the local level to the central government. The other was Ouyang Qin, the recently appointed Secretary of the Heilongjiang Provincial Party Committee.

If Ouyang Qin did not transfer to the Central Committee this time, it would be an awkward age, because he is 62 years old this year. Although Ouyang Qin is a member of the Central Committee, at the age of 62, even if he does not retire now, he must retire at the th National Congress. However, after liberation, Ouyang Qin's performance was very good.

After taking over Dalian and Lushun from the Soviet Union, he served as Secretary of the Lushun Municipal Party Committee and Mayor, managing both cities very quickly and smoothly. The transfer of power and assets occurred without any significant turmoil. After the Lushun region stabilized, he was transferred to Heilongjiang, just in time for the Harbin Trade Fair. Heilongjiang was also developing a processing trade with imported materials, becoming a key province in Sino-Soviet trade.

In addition, Heilongjiang has the Production and Construction Corps and the famous Songliao Oilfield, each of which is powerful but administratively independent of Heilongjiang. However, Ouyang Qin was able to perfectly balance these relationships in Heilongjiang, and Heilongjiang's industry, agriculture, and commerce all developed very well.

Therefore, during the Tenth National Congress, Ouyang Qin's old leader, the Premier, suggested that Ouyang Qin be transferred to the central government as Vice Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. This would solve his age problem and allow him to serve as a member of the Finance and Economics Committee.

Ouyang Qin said: "The problem mentioned by Comrade Tao Zhu is also quite common in Heilongjiang. And because there is a Production and Construction Corps in Heilongjiang, including the Songliao Oilfield,

They are also involved in some investments. So the situation in Heilongjiang is no simpler than that in Bao'an District."

"When I was in Heilongjiang, many of my subordinates raised this issue. Because government asset management is so complex and difficult, some people exploit loopholes and embezzle state and people's property."

"Another problem is that some companies, relying on the departments behind them, dare to resist inspections by tax and security departments. If relations between departments are poor, this can affect the relationships between subordinate companies. Things that should be coordinated can no longer be coordinated."

Everyone was listening quietly to the opinions of cadres from places like Tao Zhu and Ouyang Qin on this issue.

Chen Yun presided over the meeting, so after listening to everyone's feedback, he asked, "Comrade Zhou Bin, how do you think this problem should be solved?"

“Management can’t be so lax.”

Since Zhou Bin raised this question, he certainly has his own ideas.

Therefore, Zhou Bin immediately expressed his thoughts.