Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Therefore, Wei Hongjun did not want the cadres below to not cooperate with Tan Zhenlin.

Seeing Wei Hongjun's serious expression, Zhang Yinghui and Li Zhen nodded immediately.

"Also, you must cooperate well with the Hainan local government and respect local cadres. You should know that local cadres in Hainan, like the Qiongya Column, are troops that persevered in the revolution under the most difficult circumstances. Comrade Xiao Huanhui, for example, has previously come to you to raise issues, so you should take them seriously. The central government opposes localism, and it also opposes factionalism."

This time Wei Hongjun discovered it.

These troops of the Fourth Field Army and the Fifth Field Army that marched south all regarded themselves as the big brothers.

They didn't take Xiao Huanhui, a cadre from the Qiongya Column, seriously at all. That's why Wei Hongjun criticized them.

"Yes."

Several people nodded.

"If the Reclamation Corps adds some workers to the farm this time, you can set aside a certain percentage of the quota for local people. You will be living in Hainan in the future, so don't think of yourselves as outsiders. You must understand that you will be Hainanese from now on. Therefore, you must maintain good relations with the people of Hainan. Do you understand what I mean?"

"Yes."

Zhang Yinghui and Li Zhen nodded.

Wei Hongjun then said, "I've only read the written materials you submitted. I want to hear your own words about the current rubber planting situation. I want accurate data. I plan to visit various farms to investigate the specific situation over the next period of time."

“魏副总理,我们的报告绝对没有夸大。1951年1调整橡胶大会战的时候,海南这边的橡胶种植面积是16万亩左右。我们进驻海南之后，加快了并荒和种植橡胶的速度。1951年我们并荒21万亩,1952年开荒77万亩，1953年开荒104万亩。其中定植面积124万亩，种植6300万棵橡胶树，保苗率达到了79%,自前存活5000方棵左右。加上原有的橡胶树，自前海南定植面积在140万亩左右，拥有5470万棵橡胶树。今年我们的讦划是开荒120万亩，定植面积增加70万亩，种植2500方棵以上的橡胶树,保苗率超过85%，存活2000万棵以上。”

"In addition to the rubber plantations owned by the state-owned farms under the Reclamation Corps, Hainan also has many rubber trees planted by local cooperatives. In recent years, we have also supported local cooperatives in planting rubber. The total area of ​​rubber plantations is approximately 3.7 mu."

When it comes to work, Zhang Yinghui is very knowledgeable and well-informed. Wei Hongjun listens to the report attentively.

Hainan's rubber campaign has been generally successful. Historically, as a result of the rubber campaign, 200 million mu of land was abandoned after reclamation. Nearly 200 million mu of rubber plantations were established in Guangdong, but over 140 million mu failed, with all the trees being scrapped. Even the remaining 50 or so rubber plantations that have been turned into rubber plantations have a survival rate of less than 40%.

However, Hainan's current seedling survival rate in the planted areas is quite good. "What about the other reclaimed land?"

"Plant other trees to create a protective forest for the rubber plantation." "Yes."

Wei Hongjun is most satisfied that there is no blind rubber planting. Wei Hongjun asked: "How much dry rubber can Hainan produce this year?"

"This year, it's about 2700 tons, and next year, it's about 4000 tons. This is because our large-scale rubber trees haven't reached the harvesting stage yet. Some will be ready in 1956, and our dry rubber production will probably increase significantly then. We won't have a large-scale harvest until 1957, when our dry rubber production will exceed tons."

"The central government hopes that Hainan's dry rubber production will exceed 1960 tons by 5. Can it be achieved?"

"can."

Zhang Yinghui was very sure.

道:“我们的计划是,1955年之前橡胶定植面积超过300万亩。到时候我们垦殖兵团需要增加10万工作人员。只要定植面积超过300方亩成功，那么1960年的时候干胶产量就能够超过10万吨以上。如果我们在技术上提高一些,那么千胶产量达到15万方吨也不是不可能。这是乐天宇同志保证的。”

Zhang Yinghui reports.

Because he didn't understand, he still respected Le Tianyu very much. Wei Hongjun nodded.

If Hainan's dry rubber production could have reached 1960 tons by 15, Hainan's rubber market would have been a success. Currently, national rubber demand is around 20 tons, but actual sales are only 15 tons. This domestic rubber shortage directly impacted the development of many industries.

As China's industrialization progresses, the demand for rubber will also increase.

But if Hainan alone can provide 15 tons of dry rubber, combined with the natural rubber production in Guangdong, Guangxi, Yunnan and other places, and some synthetic rubber factories built in the past, then in addition to self-use, it can also be exported.

However, Wei Hongjun remained cautious, saying, "You're already clearing wasteland and planting rubber at a rapid pace. What you need to do next is focus on quality and improve your technology. I've heard that in Malaysia, large-scale natural rubber plantations are yielding over 80 kilograms per acre, and in some places, even reaching nearly 100 kilograms. But before liberation, Hainan's yield was only around 10 kilograms per acre."

"Yes. Currently, the rubber plantation we manage produces about 24 kilograms of dry rubber per mu. We are also working hard to increase the yield. Our technicians have some ideas."

The yield per mu is much lower than that in Malaysia, only one-third or one-quarter of that.

"You all come from military backgrounds and are very courageous. However, we cannot just blindly push forward on many issues. We must respect the judgment of scientific researchers. Listen more to their opinions and greatly increase the yield of natural rubber per mu."

"Yes."

After hearing about Hainan's natural rubber achievements, Wei Hongjun felt much better. So, he said, "Now that I'm here, can you tell me what problems the Reclamation Corps is facing that are still unresolved?"

Zhang Yinghui said with a serious expression, "Vice Premier Wei, besides the food problem, we currently have two very serious problems here at the Reclamation Corps."

"Talk about it."

"First, the environment in Hainan is too harsh. Many of our officers and soldiers have fallen ill. But the medical conditions in Hainan are too poor. We have over a thousand people on our farm, but only a few doctors, which is not enough."

"Doctor, doctor."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Said: "I will help you coordinate it after I go back."

Wei Hongjun considered not only the Hainan Reclamation Corps but also the Agricultural Reclamation Corps in Jiangxinpo. The situation there was equally dire, requiring a large number of doctors. Wei Hongjun needed to discuss this with the Ministry of Agricultural Reclamation.

Although there is a serious shortage of doctors now, we still need to allocate some.

Wei Hongjun planned to contact the Military Commission to see if they could recruit military doctors from various military regions, along with graduates from military medical schools, to assign doctors to the various agricultural reclamation units based on their specific needs.

"Second, Vice Premier Wei, should our Reclamation Corps be completely separated from the military system?"

Wei Hongjun nodded.

This was inevitable from the moment the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation was established. Its troops were to be completely separated from those of the military regions. Zhang Yinghui and his colleagues currently served as deputy commanders of the Hainan Military Region, but once the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation had streamlined its agricultural reclamation forces, they would be officially incorporated into the Ministry. Zhang Yinghui and his colleagues would no longer hold military region positions.

Zhang Yinghui was a little sad.

After all, I have been in the army for more than 20 years, and I may have to take off my military uniform in the future.

However, Wei Hongjun said, "Although we have been separated from the military, this does not mean that the Reclamation Corps can relax its discipline. The Reclamation Corps must still follow the military structure and be half-military, half-civilian. Now is a period of national construction, so your main focus should be on construction. However, if the country needs you, the Reclamation Corps will still have to bear arms and fight."

"Vice Premier Wei, don't worry. We will strictly enforce discipline."

Li Zhen expressed his position.

Zhang Yinghui continued, "Vice Premier Wei, my second point is related to this. Since we are leaving the military, all officers and soldiers of our Reclamation Corps will remain in Hainan."

"Correct."

"That's a big problem. Many of our officers and soldiers are already old and ready to start a family. But there are only 200 people in Hainan, while our Reclamation Corps has hundreds of thousands of men. How are they going to solve their lifelong problems? Many of them have fought for so many years and it's time to solve their personal problems."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

This is a very serious problem. If we want so many troops to stay here with peace of mind, we must let them settle down, get married, and have children. Only then will they be able to settle down and stay here.

So Wei Hongjun said: "Let's solve this together. When you recruit a group of workers next, you can recruit a group of female workers. Men will do the land reclamation, but men are really no match for women in some of the detailed farm work. After I go back, I will discuss it with the Military Commission. Recruit a group of young female soldiers to equip the Hainan Military Region, and then work hard in other areas."

This problem must be resolved as soon as possible.

Many officers and soldiers in the Reclamation Corps, especially those who have served in the military, receive high salaries and military service allowances. Their working conditions were previously poor due to Hainan's ongoing development. Once the Hainan Reclamation Corps succeeds, they'll have excellent jobs.

"I've remembered all of this and will definitely help you solve some of it. But you have to give me some time."

"Yes."

"Please assign a few people to me tomorrow. I want to visit various farms."

936 Oppose the Cult of Personality

Wei Hongjun stayed in Hainan for five days.

I've been inspecting the various farms. The rubber production campaign in Hainan is indeed proceeding very well, but the working conditions here are truly difficult. The conditions are particularly poor in Tang County.

There is a severe shortage of housing.

The early pioneers of the New China, the reclamation corps, were truly passionate about national development. Their current housing is temporary. They were so focused on the rubber-strip campaign that they had no time to build proper housing.

The same goes for technical personnel like Le Tianyu.

The living quarters were simple, makeshift shelters made from wood. Wei Hongjun was truly moved. It was this spirit that laid the foundation for China's industrial development over the first three thousand years of its existence.

所以魏红军更加明白,橡胶大会战一定要按部就班,绝对不能折腾。历史上第一次橡胶大会战失败,前前后后废了400方奋左右。结果大跃进的时候又是进行一次大会战。国家投入两个多亿，加上地方投入,准备再次打造八百万苗橡胶定植面积,要求67年、68年千胶产量达到80万吨到100万吨。结果最后再次一地鸡毛，几乎80%的种植全都作废。剩下的20%，保苗率不到30%。

Wei Hongjun absolutely cannot allow such a thing to happen. For the sake of their passion, Wei Hongjun must also avoid taking detours.

In fact, if the development is carried out step by step, China's natural rubber production can be guaranteed to be 1970 cubic tons per thousand rubber in 50. To truly meet the domestic demand for rubber, it is still necessary to develop the synthetic rubber industry.

Le Tianyu accompanied Wei Hongjun to inspect several farms and gave Wei Hongjun a detailed introduction to the situation of rubber planting in Hainan.

Le Tianyu is indeed a good cadre.

His working environment was far inferior to that of Beijing, but he was happy with it. Wei Hongjun understood that cadres like Le Tianyu should work on the front lines, not in universities or research institutes.

Hainan is where his skills are truly put to use. There are also many problems.

However, these are all problems that can be solved within the Reclamation Corps.

Wei Hongjun didn't criticize too much about some issues, because there are always problems in the work, and if you criticize everything, then the front-line staff will not be able to carry out their work at all.

So Wei Hongjun just put forward some of his own opinions.

After visiting the rubber plantations of the Reclamation Corps, Wei Hongjun went to see some rubber plantations planted by cooperatives. Compared with the Reclamation Corps, the rubber plantations planted by local governments were smaller in scale, but they were ubiquitous.

After taking a look around, Wei Hongjun had a better idea of ​​what was going on.

After the inspection, Wei Hongjun again reminded the Reclamation Corps not to focus solely on speed and planting area, but to prioritize quality and increase per-acre yields of rubber in the future. He also urged the Corps to be cautious about rushing to harvest rubber trees. He urged them to avoid damaging the trees and to ensure they were harvested when possible.

After the inspection, Wei Hongjun returned to the central government.

He wrote a report to the Chairman on the situation of the Sino-British joint venture in Guangzhou that he had visited with Mao Zemin, as well as the situation in Hainan. The Chairman soon made a comment on Wei Hongjun's report on the Sino-British joint venture in Guangzhou.

The instruction included a sentence: At present, the main ownership structures of the means of production in my country are state ownership, i.e., comprehensive ownership; cooperative ownership, i.e., collective ownership; individual worker ownership; and capitalist ownership. The purpose of socialist transformation is to consolidate and develop the economic components of the first two types of ownership, i.e., the socialist economic components. Therefore, the state insists on "guaranteeing the priority development of the state-owned economy," gradually establishing heavy industry as the main foundation of the socialist economy, while also "encouraging, guiding, and supporting the development of the cooperative economy."

At the Eighth National Congress and the First National People's Congress, we estimated that the socialist transformation of industry, commerce, and agriculture would take 10 to 15 years. However, 10 to 15 years of socialist transformation does not mean that my country's economy and society will fully enter socialism, nor does it mean that all capitalist industry and commerce must be eliminated by the 16th year. This would be inconsistent with the materialist view of historical development and our Party's policies. Therefore, during this 10 to 15-year transition period, and even after the transition period, socialist rule will still be incomplete, and my country's ownership landscape will be relatively complex. We must actively explore the development of various forms of ownership within the socialist economic system. We cannot assume that socialism consists of only two simple models: public ownership and collective ownership.

So what kind of ownership do cooperatives between state-owned enterprises, between state-owned and collectively-owned enterprises, and between different collectively-owned enterprises belong to? Do they belong to the socialist economic sector?

I believe that the ownership structure of these cooperative enterprises does not deviate from the categories of state-owned and collectively owned enterprises; they still fall under either state-owned or collective ownership. We can call them mixed ownership of state-owned and collectively owned enterprises, and therefore constitute a socialist economic component. We should encourage cooperation between state-owned and collectively owned enterprises, encourage these mixed-ownership enterprises to engage in division of labor and production, and improve socialist production efficiency.

What ownership structure do state-owned enterprises, collectively owned enterprises, and joint ventures between Chinese and foreign businesses belong to? Are they sub-socialist economic entities?

First, the Sino-British joint ventures established in Guangdong were not the enterprises of the imperialist powers during the Kuomintang era, nor were they the Sino-foreign joint ventures of that period. These enterprises in old China were tools used by the imperialist powers, colluding with bureaucratic and comprador capital, to invade the Chinese economy and exploit the Chinese people. However, today's Sino-foreign joint ventures, or those with Chinese merchants, have elements of both state ownership and collective ownership, meaning they contain elements of socialist economics.

Furthermore, these enterprises were no longer privileged enterprises as they were during the Kuomintang era. Instead, they were new types of cooperative enterprises under the management of the people's government, closely linked to the socialist economy, subject to the leadership of the socialist economy, and supervised by the working class. This can be considered state capitalism. (This state capitalism is not the state capitalism we talk about today. The term "state capitalism" refers to the factories owned by Chinese and foreign capitalists during the New China era. The Chairman believed that while ownership of these factories remained in the hands of Chinese and foreign capitalists, they had become factories under the socialist economy. These factories were under the leadership of the New China government, abided by the economic laws of New China, cooperated with New China's economic development, and obeyed the dictates of New China's economic policies. Hence the term "state capitalism," meaning capitalism that obeyed state orders and cooperated with the state's socialist economic development.)

This type of state capitalism, while complex in ownership, accepts the leadership of the socialist economy and is closely tied to it, so we cannot treat it roughly. We cannot simply exclude or suppress state capitalist enterprises with mixed ownership, or even negate them in the name of the Party and the working class. I believe that the principle of "different, equal treatment" should be applied to these enterprises with complex mixed ownership. We should recognize different ownership structures while maintaining policy consistency. Under this overarching principle, we should operate them in a way that balances public and private interests and benefits both labor and capital.

These are my views on state capitalism. Comrade Wei Hongjun, please consider them. After reading this, please pass it on to Comrades Chen Yunshang, Gao Gang, Li Fuchun, Mao Zemin, Deng Zhihui, Xi Zhongxun, Ye Jizhuang, and Yao Yilin. At the same time, I urge the Secretariat and the State Council to quickly consider how enterprises with different ownership structures should be positioned and what policies should be implemented.

After reading the Chairman's words, Wei Hongjun roughly understood what the Chairman meant.

This kind of Sino-British joint venture is possible. And in theory, such a Sino-British enterprise is different from the Sino-foreign joint venture in old China.

Foreign-invested enterprises have special privileges. Their purpose is to invade the Chinese economy and exploit the Chinese people.

people.

However, the current Sino-foreign joint ventures have the characteristics of public ownership and collective ownership. They must accept government management and supervision from the working class. And these industries, from production to sales, must enter the socialist economic system.

huge