Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Early supply and marketing cooperatives needed the support of these merchants to purchase grain, cloth, and other goods. In the early years of the Liberation Army, many military regions and local governments were frequently deceived by local merchants when purchasing grain and cotton cloth in major cities like Shanghai and Tianjin. To address this problem, the supply and marketing cooperatives partnered with these merchants.

These private business partnerships are currently important partners of the supply and marketing cooperatives. Many even use the name of the supply and marketing cooperatives directly. However, unlike full-fledged supply and marketing cooperatives, these private business partnerships have more autonomy and private equity.

Second: Private trade alliances. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, import and export trade adopted a unified quotation, unified negotiation, unified procurement, and unified export model. Consequently, trading companies in many industries, including certain sectors, joined together to form a joint venture model.

Just like trading companies that export pig bristles have formed a joint venture to unify their export business, similarly, companies in the pig bristle procurement and processing industries have also formed a joint venture.

However, such exports are carried out under the guidance of the Ministry of Foreign Trade.

Third: Private business alliances going to the countryside.

Supply and marketing cooperatives purchase and sell supplies.

Some small vendors became partners of the supply and marketing cooperatives. They formed a joint venture to go to the countryside to purchase goods and then sell them to the supply and marketing cooperatives, in which they received a share of the profits.

Fourth: Some private business alliances engaged in agricultural products business.

This was a private trading alliance formed by some former agricultural product merchants, such as grain distributors. They asked farmers to join their private trading alliance and were willing to buy rural agricultural products at a higher price than the supply and marketing cooperatives and the private trading alliances in the countryside.

This kind of private business alliance is quite common in rural areas today, especially in the south.

Fifth: Private business alliances formed by urban and rural merchants.

This is a joint venture formed by some powerful capitalists, and they are quite powerful. They even dare to go against the prices announced by the state because of their strong capital strength.

Although many speculators went bankrupt after the "Two Whites and One Black" war, there were still some powerful merchants who disagreed with the government's pricing system.

How to deal with these private business alliances is also a major issue in the current socialist transformation.

After Chen Yun finished speaking, he looked at Mao Zemin. Many of these private business alliances were small-scale craftsmen. Mao Zemin understood Chen Yun's meaning, so he said directly, "Our country is currently undergoing socialist industrialization, and the funds required are enormous. We need the entire nation to work together to meet the funding needs of industrialization. Therefore, we must carry out socialist transformation in accordance with this overall situation."

"The same is true for these private business alliances. We should support and assist those that are helpful to socialist industrialization. We should rectify those that hinder socialist industrialization."

Mao Zemin has extensive seniority and experience.

A member of the Communist Party of China in 1922, he held the highest Party seniority among the central leadership. He became President of the Soviet State Bank in 1932, concurrently Minister of Finance of the Fujian-Jiangxi Soviet Government in 1933, and Director of the Foreign Trade Bureau in 1934, leading the entire Soviet area's economic work in banking, finance, trade, industry, and mining.

After the Long March, he became the Minister of National Economy of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Democratic Government.

With his qualifications, he has not even been appointed as Vice Premier of the State Council or alternate member of the Political Bureau because of his special status.

But no one in the Executive Yuan could ignore him.

It wasn't because of his special status, but rather his ability. Mao Zemin had quickly and directly addressed the core issue of the private business alliance. Of course, only he could have said this.

“There are currently five types of private business alliances. I think the top three

This situation is a beneficial short-term supplement to the socialist economy. Let's discuss the first scenario first. Before we complete the nationwide transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, interprovincial trade in goods, if limited to business-to-business transactions, will be subject to numerous omissions. We can control bulk commodities, but we haven't yet fully controlled some smaller commodities. Therefore, we need to temporarily retain the first type of private trade alliances.

"Let's talk about the second situation. Currently, the types of goods we export are quite diverse. If it's minerals or light industrial products, we can still control them. But the export of many agricultural products is so diverse that sourcing, processing, and transportation are not simple. We need some industry alliances to connect with our foreign trade companies."

"Let's talk about the third situation. Currently, my country's rural areas haven't completed socialist transformation, and mutual aid groups and cooperatives aren't universal across the country. While some villages have developed mutual aid societies, not everyone joins. Therefore, at this stage, rural procurement requires these private merchants to form joint ventures. They're more familiar with the countryside, and supply and marketing cooperatives don't have the staff to cover every rural area. Therefore, supply and marketing cooperatives also need this kind of supplementary support."

"The first three situations are important supplements to the socialist economy and serve as lubricants for its development. We should guide them and incorporate them into the socialist economic system."

Mao Zemin analyzed them one by one.

Although China has formulated the First Five-Year Plan, this is only a plan with a general direction.

You can't formulate everything.

Mao Zemin continued, "But the fourth and fifth situations undermine the socialist price system and affect the socialist economic order. These two situations must be stopped, otherwise they will easily lead to the collapse of the socialist price system we have established."

In fact, the biggest problem with the fourth and fifth scenarios is that they affect the government-set prices of various materials, including agricultural products, which is what many people call the "scissors gap between industry and agriculture."

China now needs to pool all the assets it can in society. If private businesses are allowed to exploit policy loopholes, this will directly undermine the policy. Mao Zemin didn't need to say this directly.

The cadres of the Finance and Economics Committee are all experienced in this field.

You can understand it immediately.

"What Comrade Mao Zemin said makes a lot of sense," Bo Shuchun said.

The national debt conference had the greatest impact on Bo Shuchun. Given his momentum during the early years of the Liberation Movement, even if he couldn't make the Politburo at the Eighth National Congress, he would have no problem becoming an alternate member.

However, it was precisely because of the turmoil surrounding the national debt conference that he remained in his position as Minister of Finance. At the Eighth National Congress, he was still a member of the Central Committee and Minister of Finance, having failed to regain even his former position as Deputy Director of the Finance and Economics Committee. However, Bo Shuchun's mental state had adjusted very well.

In the past few years, I have been working in the employment industry at the Ministry of Finance.

Despite the severe annual fiscal deficit, he worked tirelessly to address these issues. Bo Shuchun was the most aware of the impending "scissors gap" between industry and agriculture.

Because he is also involved in policy making in this area.

"We are under tremendous financial pressure right now. We have a million troops in North Korea, and in 1951, military spending accounted for 35% of fiscal revenue. The Premier visited the Soviet Union in 1947, the Chairman visited the Soviet Union in 1948, and later the Chairman attended Comrade Stalin's 1949th birthday in . The Premier visited the Soviet Union after the outbreak of the Korean War. We have signed four aid contracts in total. Soviet-aided projects are now being implemented in my country in a steady stream, as are aid projects signed with Eastern European countries. However, if we don't resolve our financial problems, we will soon run out of money to continue construction. So whoever disrupts this overall situation will be the one we have to deal with."

Bo Shuchun spoke with certainty.

Li Fuchun said from the side, "Comrade Bo Shuchun is right. The current aid projects from the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries are laying the foundation for our industrialization. As long as these aid projects can be implemented, our industry will have a foundation for continued development. So no matter how difficult it is, we must complete them. I know that there is currently room for arbitrage between my country's industrial and agricultural products. The fourth and fifth types of private business alliances are exploiting this loophole. We must block this."

This is a major policy.

It must not be destroyed.

Bo Shuchun continued, "And this is only temporary. Once the Korean War ends and disarmament is underway, military spending will drop significantly. By then, our finances will be much better than they are now, and we'll be able to make some fine-tuning of industrial and agricultural prices."

"Correct."

Everyone nodded.

Wei Hongjun sighed inwardly.

In order to industrialize, the early years of New China really needed to sacrifice everyone's interests. Not only the peasants, but also the working class had to devote all their energy to construction. Otherwise, how could those factories have been built so quickly?

It can be said that the whole society is raising funds for industrialization efforts.

Once the government bans the fourth and fifth types of private business alliances, the state will further control the prices of agricultural products and industrial products.

But that's the reality.

Seeing that everyone knew about it, Chen Yun said, "Then the matter of the private business alliance is decided."

Wei Hongjun knew that Chen Yun had already had his own ideas. He simply didn't want to make the decision alone, so he gathered everyone together. Then, they discussed one by one how to carry out socialist transformation.

895 Inventory of Military Assets

"Are you going to the Soviet Union now? Are you not going to take care of the General Armament Department's affairs?"

Just a few days after the Military Commission meeting ended, Yang Quanwu was not dealing with the affairs of the General Armament Department but was going to the Soviet Union.

"Not afraid."

Yang Quanwu shook his head and said, "I've temporarily handed the work of the General Armaments Department to Lao Zhao (Zhao Lu). Comrade Chen Xilian and Han Wei will be in charge. Although Lao Zhao isn't from the General Armaments Department, you know that most of the people who established the General Armaments Department this time came from the General Logistics Department. There's not much to do at this stage. All we need to do is successfully split off the various departments from the General Logistics Department. Lao Zhao is more familiar with this area than I am."

Yang Quanwu was not worried about the establishment of the General Armament Department.

Because the General Armaments Department was primarily intended to be separated from the General Logistics Department, Zhao Lu was a kind man and wouldn't cross the General Armaments Department over this issue. Furthermore, Yang Quanwu had participated in the nationwide restructuring of military factories during his time as Chief of the General Staff.

So Yang Quanwu was not worried.

Wei Hongjun smiled.

Yang Quanwu didn't consider Zhao Lu an outsider at all. It was simply because Zhao Lu was honest and upright that he wouldn't dwell on such trivial matters. If someone else had wanted to split the department, it wouldn't have been so easy. Without Yang Quanwu in charge, who knows how the split would have panned out.

"The trip to the Soviet Union has already been arranged and cannot be postponed. The Soviet big brother has a bad temper and needs to be coaxed more."

"If there's anything you need me to do, just tell me."

"It's nothing serious. I just discussed with the Soviets about establishing a Soviet-aided school to train atomic bomb talent. Since I'm now the Minister of General Armaments, I want to expand this school and establish a large-scale military engineering university, which will become the cradle of military engineering talent in our country. What do you think?"

Wei Hongjun nodded.

"This is a good thing. Although we have some military engineering schools, they are all scattered here and there and not systematic. In particular, the theoretical foundation is seriously lacking. If we can open a comprehensive military engineering university, it will be a good thing for us."

Isn’t this the historical model of Harbin Institute of Technology?

The Soviet Union sent experts and professors to establish the Harbin Institute of Technology, which trained a large number of military engineering talents for the new China. Later, many leaders of the new China's military industry graduated from the Harbin Institute of Technology.

Although Harbin Institute of Technology was later split up, the schools after the split are still top schools in China's science and engineering fields.

"I have a headache now. Where should I put the school?"

"Where do you want to put it?" "There are several locations. One is Beijing, one is Harbin, and another is Xi'an. Some people also suggested putting it in Zhangjiakou."

"What did you think about it?"

Yang Quanwu whispered, "Beijing isn't very suitable. The population of Beijing has exploded in recent years, and even many government employees can't find housing. If we run a large school like this, there will be a lot of difficult problems. Harbin and Zhangjiakou are too far north, especially Zhangjiakou, as it's likely to give rise to criticism. I think Xi'an is more suitable. What do you think? The most suitable place for our weapons industry, including the atomic bomb industry, to develop is in the northwest. Xi'an is the core city of the northwest region, and I think it's the most suitable place to open a large military engineering university."

"Xi'an is indeed more suitable."

Yang Quanwu has a bad personality, but he considers things very comprehensively.

Zhangjiakou is a good place.

But it's not appropriate to place such an important university in Zhangjiakou. Of course, if the person in charge wasn't Yang Quanwu, then there wouldn't be a problem. But since Yang Quanwu is the person in charge, then Zhangjiakou is not appropriate.

"But you also know that I get angry when I see Lao Guo (Guo Tianmin)."

"hehe."

Wei Hongjun smiled.

In the Jin-Cha-Ji region back then, Yang Quanwu, Guo Tianmin, and Huang Yong all had hot tempers and disliked each other. Furthermore, Yang Quanwu was the least experienced of Guo Tianmin and Huang Yong. Who could have imagined that Yang Quanwu would rise to his current position in the Jin-Cha-Ji region?

Wei Hongjun smiled and said, "That was all many years ago. You'll still need to deal with them when developing the nuclear industry in the northwest."

"I know."

Yang Quanwu paused and said, "By the way, do you know Zhang Ming, the director of the Political Department of the Shaanxi Provincial Military Region?"

"do not know."

Wei Hongjun shook his head.

With so many generals in the military, Wei Hongjun certainly couldn't know them all. Following this major restructuring of military regions, the rank of provincial military regions has been downgraded. While it's not yet fully understood, if the rank of a major military region is downgraded, how could the rank of a provincial military region not also be downgraded? The director of the Political Department of the Shaanxi Provincial Military Region is likely a quasi-army-level cadre. Even a high-ranking official is likely only at the deputy army level.

In today's China, there are more than a thousand cadres at this level.

Yang Quanwu said in a snort, "After the Military Commission's work conference, the Military Commission just held another meeting of the Eighth Headquarters. This Zhang Ming wrote a letter to the Chairman. Do you know what it said?"

The CMC work conference is chaired by the Chairman and attended by all members of the Central Military Commission.

The Eight Headquarters Meeting convened by the Military Commission was chaired by General Peng and General He. Although Wei Hongjun was a member of the Military Commission, he did not attend the Eight Headquarters Meeting because he had no division of labor within the Central Military Commission.

"what?"

"In his letter, he told the Chairman that the military's current assets are enormous and that the major restructuring of military regions should be used as an opportunity to conduct an inventory of these assets. The Chairman has already approved his letter and forwarded it to General Peng and General He. The Military Commission just convened a meeting of the Eighth Headquarters to implement this matter. This news will probably spread quickly."

"Really?"