Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Tell them that a steel plant is going to be built in Baotou.

But this was no easy task. Baotou still had a host of problems to solve. But the hardest hit were the first wave of construction workers, who had to build a city in a nearly completely deserted area. This kind of difficult work had always been the domain of the military.

The Infrastructure Engineering Corps is just such a unit. Historically, the Infrastructure Engineering Corps was even considered a unit that didn't spend any national military funds and was responsible for its own profits and losses. "Secretary Wei, don't worry. We're ready."

Ma Changgeng immediately expressed his position.

During this period, the Infrastructure Engineering Corps has been fully established and currently consists of three divisions. The Infrastructure Engineering Corps is a corps-level unit. Since its establishment, it has been undergoing training, transitioning from military training to engineering training.

Learn to build houses, pave roads and build bridges.

Even simple math was incorporated into routine literacy training. This was because this unit would no longer be a fighting force, but an engineering unit dedicated to building the nation. During this time, the unit was involved in restoring bridges damaged during the war and in building housing for some units.

But I didn't really participate in any large-scale missions.

The construction of the Baotou Iron and Steel Plant will be the first important task undertaken by the North China Infrastructure Engineering Corps.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, economic development will be the most important priority. Construction is needed everywhere in the country, so the Infrastructure Engineering Corps has a heavy workload. The corps is constantly expanding. Of course, you must demonstrate your capabilities to the central government. This is exactly what happened with the Baotou Steel Plant. As long as you do a good job and the Central Committee and the Military Commission recognize your work, the corps' organization will be adjusted at any time."

In the future, New China will carry out large-scale industrial construction.

The infrastructure required would be staggering. Apart from anything else, as industrialization progresses, urbanization will follow. And urbanization, in turn, requires massive infrastructure. For a region as vast as North China, the infrastructure required would require an army of even 100,000 men. And the best thing about the military is that it's organized, disciplined, and, of course, economical.

As long as the central government sees the good performance of the North China Military Region's Infrastructure Engineering Corps during the establishment of the Baotou Iron and Steel Plant, it is very likely that they will expand the organization of this unit. "Yes."

"Go back and get ready."

As soon as the location of the Baotou Iron and Steel Plant is determined, the infrastructure engineering corps will set off.

Ma Changgeng and Zhao Ziyu stood up. However, Ma Changgeng suddenly stopped and said, "Secretary Wei, I heard that Gao Zhiyuan... "I know about this matter and will handle it. Now you just do your job well."

Ever since Gao Zhiyuan's family approached him, Wei Hongjun knew the situation wasn't as simple as it seemed. Logically, Gao Zhiyuan's family should have first considered the political climate and the specific circumstances of New China before deciding what to do. Instead of coming out now and expecting an answer from the Ministry of Civil Affairs, this was an unusual move.

And if Gao Zhiyuan's family came forward, the story would undoubtedly spread. Because Gao Zhiyuan's family hadn't concealed anything and had openly approached the Ministry of Civil Affairs. Many cadres from the Jidong military might not have known Gao Zhiyuan personally, nor did they have any personal connections with him. But these cadres from Jidong had all heard of Gao Zhiyuan. After all, he was an iconic figure in the Jidong uprising.

They spoke up for Gao Zhiyuan, not necessarily because they had any personal connection with him. Rather, they believed the Jidong Uprising was a glorious chapter in their history, marking the beginning of their involvement in the revolution. Therefore, they could not allow anyone to discredit the Jidong Uprising. Yet, Gao Zhiyuan, the commander-in-chief of the Jidong Uprising, was executed, and the charges were not good.

This directly affects the historical evaluation of the Jidong Uprising.

How could the Jidong cadres agree?

Historically, the cadres involved in the Jidong Uprising held little influence. Due to the heavy casualties suffered during the retreat, most did not survive. Consequently, no one paid much attention to the historical evaluation of the Jidong Uprising. However, in this time and space, the seeds sown by the Jidong Expeditionary Force blossomed and bore fruit, becoming a formidable force. These troops and cadres emerged from the Jidong Uprising, and naturally, they paid particular attention to its significance.

The higher the Party's evaluation of the Jidong Uprising, the better their political prospects. This wasn't just for the cadres who emerged from the Jidong Uprising; many cadres who later served in the Jidong Army also cared about the Jidong Army's evaluation. While they didn't participate in the Jidong Uprising, they were often in the Jidong Army for years, and the historical evaluation of the Jidong Army also influenced their own history.

So Gao Zhiyuan’s problem became apparent.

These Jidong cadres could not allow the commander of the Jidong uprising to be a man who had made mistakes and was even shot for being suspected of defecting to Wu Peifu and the Japanese. This would become a stain on their Jidong cadres.

Just look at Li Qingchuan.

He was deeply trusted and valued by Yang Quanwu, but every time something happened, someone would bring up the incident that happened to the first and second commanders of their unit after they defected to the Eighth Route Army. This incident became a black mark that Li Qingchuan would never be able to erase. So Wei Hongjun knew the thoughts of the Jidong cadres, who all wanted to overturn Gao Zhiyuan's verdict.

However, the Wei Hongjun army did not want the Jidong cadres to get involved. Although these Jidong cadres from the Jin-Cha-Ji region held high positions, they had, after all, joined the Eighth Route Army midway through their careers. Compared to the veteran Red Army, they were still somewhat inferior in many respects. If this matter became a big deal, it would not be good for them. Some might think that the Jidong cadres were engaging in factionalism.

The most suitable one is Deng Guohe's Theory of History of the Song Dynasty.

Both were veteran Party members and Red Army veterans, with deep roots in the military and connections to the central leadership. Furthermore, they were members of the Military and Political Committee of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advancing Army and were directly involved in the incident. Their involvement would have been more effective than that of the Hebei-Eastern cadres.

"Yes."

After hearing what Wei Hongjun said, Ma Changgeng didn't know what to say.

On April 1948, 4, while Wei Hongjun was conducting factory research and addressing these issues, the First National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference convened in Beijing. Nearly 8 representatives from various sectors attended, including representatives from various political parties, the PLA headquarters, the various liberated areas, and the major field armies. They also included representatives from the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, peasant organizations, the Women's Federation, the Federation of Industry and Commerce, the Federation of Literary and Art Circles, and the Preparatory Committee for the Congress of Natural Science Workers.

It basically includes representatives from all industries.

Wei Hongjun represented the North China Liberated Area, which had the largest number of delegates this time.

According to regulations, the North China Liberated Area is to have 15 official representatives and two alternate representatives. The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government, the largest ethnic autonomous government under the North China Liberated Area, has six official representatives and one alternate representative. Beijing and Tianjin, as cities directly under the central government, each have six political representatives and one alternate representative. China currently has many directly administered cities, but Beijing and Tianjin are the most unique. Even Shanghai and other cities directly under the central government in Northeast China do not have their own representative quota.

Then came the Fifth Field Army.

As a field army unit, it had 10 official representatives and 2 alternate representatives. Furthermore, Jiangxi and Fujian, as the Southeast Liberated Areas under the Central China Bureau's Southeast Branch, had 8 official representatives and 1 alternate representative, just like Guangdong and Guangxi, the South China Liberated Areas under the South China Branch.

This time, the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference will definitely be led by the Communist Party of China.

Even after the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, the CPC Central Committee criticized some people for being afraid of imperialist forces and afraid to speak out openly for national and ethnic independence. Many democratic parties accepted this criticism. Some even expelled members who had previously been stranded in the Hong Kong official website.

The situation is better than people.

When the CCP previously wanted to hold a CPPCC meeting, many democratic parties held back. They wanted to see how the KMT and the CCP would fare. Or perhaps they were trying to see who had the higher leverage. They even began to believe the CCP needed them. They still had considerable influence and charisma in China, including among the ragtag KMT units, and they held considerable respect.

These are their bargaining chips.

They no longer have that idea of ​​using it as a bargaining chip to negotiate with the CCP, as the PLA is too strong on the battlefield.

Even the Americans chose to back down, unwilling to directly intervene in China's war of liberation. The CCP's conquest of power was inevitable, and many PLA units in southern China had already shifted their focus to suppressing banditry. Under such circumstances, what could the democratic parties do?

Of course, since the CCP held the CPPCC, it would not fool around. The first CPPCC National Committee was a very successful one.

This conference adopted the "Declaration of the First Plenary Session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference", "Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference", "Organization Law of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference" and "Organization Law of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China".

The Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference served as a temporary legal framework for a period. The conference decided that the new China would be called the People's Republic of China; that the nature of the new China would be a people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance, with the people as the masters of the state; that the capital of the People's Republic of China would be Peking, renamed Beijing; that the Gregorian calendar would be adopted; that the national anthem of the People's Republic of China would be the "March of the Volunteers," pending its formal adoption; and that the national flag would be the five-star red flag.

Then came the formation of the Chinese People's Government.

Li Desheng was the Chairman of the Chinese People's Government, Commander-in-Chief Xiu Yang, Ren Peiguo, Song Qingling, Zhang Lan, and Gao Gang were Vice Chairmen, and Wu Hao, Nie Shuai, Dong Biwu and 56 others were members.

Among these 56 people, there was also Wei Hongjun, who also became one of the first committee members of the People's Government of New China.

This list shows the strength of the Chinese Communist Party.

Historically, Li Jishen also served as Vice Chairman of the People's Government of China. This was because Li Jishen represented a large number of frustrated political and military figures within the Kuomintang. They still held considerable power and influence within the Nationalist army. In the interests of unity and a swift end to the Liberation War, they were treated with great courtesy in the early years of the People's Republic of China. Even in the new China, they held high positions and lavish salaries, and many of the Ministers of the State Council came from this group.

But in this time and space, the Revolutionary Committee of the Kuomintang (KMT) formed by Li Jishen and his colleagues was not as powerful as imagined. Or rather, the PLA had an absolute advantage on the battlefield. Their role was not as significant as imagined.

With Song Qingling as the representative and Vice Chairman of the Chinese People's Government, there was no need for Li Jishen to serve as Vice Chairman. In history, when the CPPCC meeting was held, Ren Peiguo was in very poor health and went to the Soviet Union for treatment.

While Ren Peiguo's current health isn't perfect, it's under control. After Marshal Nie's promotion to the Central Committee, he assumed much of Ren Peiguo's responsibilities. Consequently, Ren Peiguo was also elected Vice Chairman of the Central People's Government. Of the five secretaries, only Wu Hao wasn't Vice Chairman. However, one individual, serving as a local Central Bureau Secretary, unexpectedly became Vice Chairman: Gao Gang, Secretary of the Northeast Bureau. This demonstrates Gao Gang's status within the Party and the level of respect he commands.

The meeting adopted a resolution to erect a monument in front of Tiananmen Square to permanently commemorate the people's heroes who sacrificed their lives in the revolution. It also elected 10 members of the First National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), with Li Desheng as Chairman and Wu Hao, Li Jishen, Shen Junru, Guo Moruo, and Chen Shutong as Vice Chairmen.

Finally, it is about the founding ceremony.

The result of everyone's discussion was that the sooner the country was opened, the better for the situation.

It was finally decided that the founding ceremony of the People's Republic of China would be held in Beijing on May 13, 1948, World Labor Day, 5 days after the end of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. After the decision to hold the founding ceremony, the central government's work did not stop.

On April 1948, 4, the first meeting of the Central People's Government Council was held in Beijing. The Chairman presided over the meeting, attended by 19 members of the Central People's Government. Li Desheng was elected Chairman of the Central People's Government People's Revolutionary Military Commission, and Zhu Daizhen was elected Commander-in-Chief of the People's Liberation Army. The Commander-in-Chief, Xiu Yang, Wu Hao, Peng Dehua, Nie Shuai, and Cheng Qian were elected as Deputy Secretaries of the Military Commission.

22 people were members of the Military Commission: General He, General Liu, General Chen, General Lin, General Xu, General Ye, General Luo, Gao Gang, Deng Xixian, Wei Hongjun, Yang Quanwu, Su Yu, Zhang Yunyi, Li Xiannian, Rao Shushi, Deng Zhihui, Xi Zhongxun, Deng Guo, Luo Qirong, Sa Zhenbing, Zhang Zhizhong, and Long Yun.

Then, Lin Boqu was appointed Secretary-General of the Central People's Government Council, Wu Hao was appointed Premier of the State Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Shen Junru was appointed President of the Supreme People's Court of the Central People's Government, and Luo Shuai was appointed Procurator-General of the Supreme People's Procuratorate of the Central People's Government. On April 1948, 4, the third meeting of the Central People's Government Council was held.

At the meeting, Nie Shuai was appointed as Premier of the State Council and Director of the Political and Legal Committee, Chen Yun as Vice Premier of the State Council and Director of the Finance and Economics Committee and Minister of Heavy Industry, Guo Moruo as Vice Premier of the State Council and Director of the Culture and Education Committee, Dong Biwu as Vice Premier of the State Council and Director of the People's Supervisory Committee, Huang Yanpei as Vice Premier of the State Council and Minister of Light Industry, and Li Weihan as Secretary-General of the State Council and Director of the Ethnic Affairs Committee.

At the same time, Tan Pingshan, Xie Juezai, Li Lisan, Bo Shuchun, Wei Hongjun, Zhou Bin, Zeng Shan, Teng Daiyuan, Ma Xulun, Luo Longji, Zhang Naiqi, Shao Lizhi, Zhang Bojun, Wang Kunlun and Du Liqing were appointed as government officials.

The Political and Legal Affairs Committee, the Finance and Economic Affairs Committee, the Culture and Education Committee, and the People's Supervisory Committee are the four major committees under the State Council, all chaired by the Vice Premier. Under the Political and Legal Affairs Committee are the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Public Security, the Ministry of Justice, the Legislative Affairs Committee, and the Ethnic Affairs Committee.

The Finance and Economic Committee has the largest number of ministries and commissions under its jurisdiction, including the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Heavy Industry, Ministry of Fuel Industry, Ministry of Textile Industry, Ministry of Food Industry, Ministry of Light Industry, Ministry of Railways, Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, Ministry of Transport, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Forestry and Reclamation, Ministry of Water Resources, Ministry of Labor, People's Bank of China, General Administration of Customs, and Ministry of Foreign Trade.

Under the Cultural and Educational Committee were the Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Health, the Chinese Academy of Sciences, the General Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, the Ministry of Higher Education, the Sports and Physical Education Committee, and the Literacy Work Committee. These departments of the Central Government Council were upgraded from various ministries and commissions of the North China People's Government.

The North China People's Government became a mere shell.

The Central Committee also decided to place Hebei, Shanxi, Chahar, Suiyuan, Rehe, Inner Mongolia, Beijing, and Tianjin, all under the jurisdiction of the North China People's Government, directly under the central leadership. Based on this, the Central Committee decided to dissolve the North China People's Government and establish the North China Affairs Department of the Central People's Government. Wei Hongjun continued to serve as Minister and Party Secretary of the Department.

The North China Bureau's organization was also transferred to the central government.

The first of the local central bureaus and regional administrative divisions to exist in name only was the North China Bureau and the North China People's Government. Wei Hongjun had only been Secretary of the North China Bureau and Chairman of the North China People's Government for six months. As a result, the North China Bureau and the North China Affairs Department suddenly became inactive. Former cadres were either transferred to the central government to fill positions in various ministries or sent to the provinces to strengthen provincial agencies. The only real responsibility left for Wei Hongjun was the work of the North China Military Region.

Of course, the Central Committee would not let Wei Hongjun have nothing to do.

Wei Hongjun was not allowed to join the Fifth Field Army when it was first formed. How could the Central Committee let Wei Hongjun sit idle?

Xie Juezai and Li Weihan serve as deputy directors of the Political and Legal Committee, Xie Juezai serves as Minister of the Interior, Li Weihan serves as Director of the Ethnic Affairs Committee, Du Liqing serves as Minister of Public Security, Shi Liang serves as Minister of Justice, and Wang Ming serves as Director of the Legal Affairs Committee.

The Finance and Economics Committee, with its largest number of departments, also had the most personnel. Besides Chen Yuan as director, Bo Shuchun, Wei Hongjun, and Zhou Bin served as deputy directors. Chen Yun also served as Minister of Heavy Industry, Bo Shuchun as Minister of Finance, Wei Hongjun as Minister of Fuel Industry, and Zhou Bin as Governor of the People's Bank of China.

Zeng Shan became Minister of the Textile Industry, Yang Lisan became Minister of the Food Industry, Huang Yanpei became Minister of the Light Industry, Teng Daiyuan became Minister of Railways, Zhu Xuefan became Minister of Electric Power, Zhang Bofa became Minister of Transportation, Li Shucheng became Minister of Agriculture, Liang Xi became Minister of Forestry and Reclamation, Xing Zhaotang became Minister of Water Resources, Li Lisan became Minister of Labor, and Ye Jizhuang became Minister of Foreign Trade. The General Administration of Customs was now under the Ministry of Foreign Trade.

Of course, these are all departments of the State Council.

There is also a party affairs department.

Comrade Xiuyang was in charge of party propaganda, and Comrade Ren Peiguo continued to be in charge of organizational and personnel work. Of course, with Beijing being the capital, many things needed to change.

Chapter 760 Finance and Economics Committee

How busy are the ministries and commissions of New China.

Just look at the Finance and Economics Committee of the State Council. The founding ceremony was just three days away, but the Central People's Government had already begun its work. Shortly after the Finance and Economics Committee was established, Chen Yun convened its first internal meeting. The meeting primarily discussed the committee's next steps.

Chen Yun presided over the meeting, attended by three deputy directors, Bo Shuchun, Wei Hongjun, and Zhou Bin. Of the four, Chen Yun came from the Northeast Bureau, while Bo Shuchun, Wei Hongjun, and Zhou Bin all came from the North China Bureau. Bo Shuchun was the earliest Second Secretary of the North China Bureau, so he assumed the weighty position of Minister of Finance.

Wei Hongjun is actually the busiest one now.

With the official establishment of Beijing as the capital, the status of the Peiping-Tianjin Garrison rapidly increased. Although still at the corps level, its importance was now incomparable. Consequently, the Military Commission ultimately decided that the North China Military Region would concurrently serve as the Peiping-Tianjin Garrison. Thus, Wei Hongjun, while serving as the commander and political commissar of the North China Military Region, also served as the commander and political commissar of the Peiping-Tianjin Garrison.

Former commander of the Pingjin Garrison District Bao Shen and political commissar Long Daoquan were transferred to the North China Military Region.

Tang Jie was appointed First Deputy Commander of the North China Military Region, Han Wei was appointed Second Deputy Commander, and Bao Shen was appointed Third Deputy Commander. After Long Daoquan was transferred to a higher military region, Li Zhimin became Deputy Political Commissar of the North China Military Region, and Long Daoquan became Director of the Political Department. Of course, Wei Hongjun's duties were not limited to this.

A total of 25 organizations, including government agencies, organizations, and democratic parties in Peking, established a preparatory committee for the founding ceremony. Wei Hongjun, formerly director of the Peking Military Control Commission, was appointed chairman and given full responsibility for the ceremony. The Central Committee also appointed Wei Hongjun, commander and political commissar of the North China Military Region, as the chief commander of the parade.

This is the most important task at present.

Because there are only three days left before the National Day ceremony.

However, the Central People's Government and the State Council had just been established, and many departments were essentially just names. For example, the Ministry of Fuel Industry, where Wei Hongjun was head of the department, currently had only about fifty people in total. The Ministry of Fuel Industry, which included a general office and eight departments, was fully responsible for New China's coal, electric power, and petroleum industries, and yet it currently had only about fifty people.

Wei Hongjun needs to fill the shortfall as soon as possible.

This wasn't just the case with the Ministry of Fuel Industry; it was also true in every other department. For example, the Ministry of Forestry and Reclamation had fewer than ten staff members. Wei Hongjun, however, wasn't short of manpower.

After all, Wei Hongjun is still the secretary of the North China Bureau, and North China is Wei Hongjun's base.

It wasn't difficult to transfer cadres from North China to the Ministry of Fuel Industry. However, even if it wasn't difficult, personnel issues still required caution.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun recommended to the Central Committee and the Military Commission that Comrade Zhao Zhensheng, Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee, serve as Vice Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the Founding Ceremony, and Comrade Han Wei, Deputy Commander of the North China Military Region and Director of the Beijing Military Control Commission, serve as Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Founding Ceremony Parade.

Make them accountable.

The Central Committee knew that Wei Hongjun had a lot of work to do.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun’s recommendation was approved.