Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Therefore, the central government officially issued a document declaring that any sale, purchase, or mortgage of land involved in the land reform was prohibited. Any such activity would be confiscated. The seller would lose the right to redistribute the land, and the buyer would be labeled a member of the rural exploiting class. Both would constitute acts that undermined land reform. Those who sold or mortgaged land would be charged with sabotaging land reform and labeled as counter-revolutionaries.

It can be said that this crime is very serious.

If someone in the future saw this charge, they would think it was excessive. However, at the current stage of the scholar reform, such a strong charge is needed to completely stabilize rural land.

Of course, the new central land reform document contained more than just Wei Hongjun's proposal. Ren Peiguo proposed that the standard for classifying rich peasants should be based on the proportion of income derived from employment.

Ren Peiguo opposed the establishment of numerous criteria for classifying rich peasants as a class. The numerous criteria for classifying rich peasants and landlords would cause great confusion. Too many criteria could easily cause rural policies to swing from left to right. "Right" in that too many criteria would easily lead grassroots cadres to raise the bar and let local rich peasants and landlords off the hook. "Left" in that too many criteria would easily apply them all, leading to an overemphasis that would include the vast majority of self-cultivating farmers.

Therefore, Ren Peiguo believed that the standards should be clear, unified, simple, and easily understood. The best criteria were per capita arable land and exploitative behavior. Per capita arable land was the easiest criterion to track because it was easy to verify. However, rural exploitation was a more ambiguous concept. Previously, in Pingshan County and many other liberated areas, any household found to have hired farmers for work was labeled a rich peasant or landlord. However, after investigation, Ren Peiguo concluded that temporary hiring of farmers by self-employed farmers during the busy farming season was a common practice in rural areas and not a serious form of exploitation. If all such households were classified as rich peasants or landlords, a large number of middle peasants would be affected. Therefore, this time, Ren Peiguo provided a very clear standard. According to the actual rural situation, as long as exploitative behavior, that is, the proportion of employment income, did not exceed a quarter of the total income, then the household should not be classified as a rich peasant.

In reality, the classification was based on the number of days of farm work. Those who hired farmers for a few days of work during the busy farming season were considered middle peasants, or at best, well-to-do middle peasants. Only those with permanent farmhands were considered rich peasants or landlords.

He also opposed the establishment of proportions for rich peasants and landlords in various places.

Once local standards for landlords and rich peasants were established, the divisions could be made according to these standards, rather than artificially setting specific ratios for rich peasants and landlords. Historically, land reform was a confusing issue, until Comrade Xiu Yang convened a national land work conference in Jin-Cha-Yi in 1947. However, the results were not much better, and land reform remained chaotic. The chaos persisted until 1948, when the central government finally adopted a more precise land reform policy.

However, with the intervention of Wei Hongjun, especially the major incidents Wei Hongjun and Liu Huafu caused in Jin-Cha-Ji due to land reform, the central government had a clear judgment on the land reform work.

Many cadres within the Central Rural Work Committee were displeased with Jin Cha Yi and Wei Hongjun. Jin Cha Yi's recent outburst had directly humiliated the Central Land Work Committee. Originally, they had led the nationwide land reform effort, but now the central government had almost completely adopted Jin Cha Yi's land reform plan. Of course, many cadres within the Rural Work Committee greatly admired Wei Hongjun, as he had considered many issues they hadn't considered. Many of them also came from rural cadre backgrounds, but they hadn't been as thoughtful in formulating land reform as Wei Hongjun. Consequently, many rural cadres wanted to meet Wei Hongjun and discuss rural policy with him.

After the central government’s affirmation, the “Shengxian Experience” instantly became popular throughout the liberated areas.

Wei Hongjun's name was known throughout the Party.

When the central government's instructions arrived in Jin-Cha-Ji, Marshal Nie immediately convened an enlarged meeting of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau.

"Is everyone clear about the central government's instructions?"

"Yes."

The generals who came from the military were all very happy.

Yang Quanwu, Wang Zhi and Li Zhimin were particularly happy.

Liu Huafu is a veteran cadre of the Northern Bureau.

He had extensive experience in the Northern Bureau, strong foundations, and a high position. He represented the local Party in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region, carrying considerable weight. He held considerable influence, including within the Central Committee. If the Central Committee affirmed Liu Huafu this time, then Yang Quanwu, Wang Zhi, and Li Zhimin would be criticized. After all, they had forcibly halted the Pingshan land reform, which, overall, was an overreach. Although they held local positions, they were still considered part of the military Party.

Fortunately, the Central Committee harshly criticized Liu Huafu's land reform efforts in Pingshan, believing him to have committed "leftist" errors. Although the Central Committee ultimately refrained from punishing Liu Huafu, such criticism was a significant blow to a cadre.

Guo Tianmin breathed a sigh of relief. He knew about the land reform in Pingshan, and if Liu Huafu, with the support of the Central Committee, tried to do the same thing in Yanbei, Guo Tianmin would be in for a real headache.

The Yanbei region is inherently poor.

If Liu Huafu were allowed to make some more trouble, the army might fall apart.

Marshal Nie continued, "The situation has been unstable recently, and the possibility of us going to war with Chiang Kai-shek has been increasing. To strengthen the army, I propose that Comrade Liu Huafu temporarily put aside his other duties and serve as Deputy Political Commissar of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region and Deputy Political Commissar of the Jin-Cha-Ji Field Army. What are your opinions, comrades?"

Marshal Nie has a good temper, but that doesn’t mean he has no temper.

Previously, he and Liu Huafu had collaborated, a collaboration between the military and local Party committees. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, Marshal Nie's primary focus was on the military. Although he also oversaw base construction, he needed the support of the local Party committee. Furthermore, Liu Huafu had considerable experience and was a key member of the Northern Bureau, so Marshal Nie had to compromise on many fronts.

But it's different now.

While Marshal Nie still needed the support of the local Party, he no longer needed Liu Huafu's support. Or rather, Marshal Nie didn't need a cadre like Liu Huafu in Jin-Cha-Ji who could challenge him. Because, besides Liu Huafu, the current Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau also included local cadres like Zhou Bin and Zhao Zhensheng. Of course, Marshal Nie's greatest satisfaction was the emergence of an outstanding, all-round cadre like Wei Hongjun in Jin-Cha-Ji, who had dealt Liu Huafu a major setback this time.

There was never an opportunity before.

Marshal Nie couldn't let the central government think he was excluding dissidents within Jin-Cha-Ji and supporting his own army faction. But when an opportunity presented itself, Marshal Nie wouldn't pass it up; he would act when necessary. Now that Liu Huafu had been criticized by the central government and completely humiliated within Jin-Cha-Ji, Marshal Nie didn't give him any chance and simply sent him to the army.

"I agree that Comrade Liu Huafu should work in the military region. The military region needs more cadres now."

"The military district truly needs the support of capable cadres like Comrade Liu Huafu."

All the people present are smart people.

I immediately understood what Marshal Nie meant. Liu Huafu was a representative figure in the Jin-Cha-Ji region, but this time he had suffered a severe setback. And not only had he fallen, he had also seriously offended the military cadres.

Just look at how angry Wang Zhi, commander and political commissar of the Hebei-Shandong Military Region, was this time.

Wang Zhi has always had good luck with cards.

But this time he was so angry that he directly argued with Liu Huafu.

Marshal Nie seized this opportunity to allow Liu Huafu to leave the local area and join the army, which was equivalent to completely depriving him of his foundation in Jinchayi. If someone else had served as the deputy political commissar of the military region, the deputy political commissar of the field army would probably be very happy.

But this does not include Liu Huafu.

Liu Huafu, as the head of the local Party in Jin-Cha-Ji, was practically second in command in the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee. He held considerable influence in cities like Zhangjiakou and Xuanhua. But now, having left his hometown for the military, he was like a fish leaving the sea.

What can he do in the army?

Even when Cheng Zhihua left the Jizhong Military Region to serve as Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee and Deputy Commander of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, he still found himself unable to flourish there. The arrogant and powerful officers of the Jin-Cha-Yi Secondary Military Region gave Cheng Zhihua little respect. Cheng Zhihua's years in Jin-Cha-Yi were actually quite frustrating.

The Jizhong Military Region was absorbed by the Jin-Cha-Ji Beiyue Region. The Beiyue Region's arrogant generals looked down upon Cheng Zhihua. The same situation persisted in the Northeast Bureau. The Northeast Bureau and the Northeast Military Region were currently a hodgepodge, with generals entering the Northeast generally bringing their own troops. Cheng Zhihua, however, arrived in the Northeast with no troops. Therefore, he was forced to assume command of the already established West Manchuria Military Region.

Compared with Liu Huafu and Cheng Zhihua, he has even less foundation in the military.

Cheng Zhihua, despite his extensive military experience, having come from the Central Red Army, commanded the 25th Army, and served as Political Commissar of the Hebei-Central Military Region, was completely useless after his arrival in the military. Wei Hongjun was now in charge of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region headquarters, while Luo Qirong was in charge of the political department. As for the daily operations of the Jin-Cha-Ji Field Army, Wei Hongjun was solely responsible. What could he possibly accomplish at the military region and field army headquarters?

Can Wei Hongjun and Luo Qirong allow me to interfere in the work of the military region?

Therefore, Liu Huafu's face turned ugly.

Marshal Nie's move made Liu Huafu completely leave the core circle of Jin-Cha-Ji.

But he had no choice now. The central government's criticism of Liu Huafu was quite harsh, and Ma Xingrong and Liao Guangao were also implicated this time. Now he had little say, so he could only silently accept the result.

"After Comrade Liu Huafu went to work in the military region, I proposed that Comrade Zhao Zhensheng be appointed as Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and Acting Secretary of the Zhangjiakou Municipal Party Committee.

Speaking of which, Liu Huafu and Zhao Zhensheng were both cadres who worked together in the Northern Bureau.

It's just that Zhao Zhensheng worked in Beiping for many years. In the early days of the Anti-Japanese War, cadres from Beiping or Pingxi quickly joined the Anti-Japanese War and then joined the Jin-Cha-Ji Army. Therefore, the cooperation between the cadres from Jin-Cha-Ji and Beiping was relatively good.

In recent years, Zhao Zhensheng has been a member of the Central Bureau of Jin-Cha-Ji and concurrently served as Minister of Organization.

Liu Huafu held a high position within the Jin-Cha-Ji region. Not only was he in charge of organizational work as deputy secretary, he also served as secretary of the Zhangjiakou Municipal Party Committee. With Liu Huafu now leaving his post to join the military, someone needed to take over his work.

It was Zhao Zhensheng who was proposed by Marshal Nie.

Zhao Zhensheng was quite popular, and had done very well in the past few years running the Organization Department. He also had a good relationship with the military cadres in Jin-Cha-Ji, so there wasn't much opposition. Marshal Nie said to Zhao Zhensheng, "Comrade Zhao Zhensheng, after Comrade Liu Huafu leaves for the military region, you will have to take on more responsibilities. Not only will you be fully responsible for the work of the Jin-Cha-Ji Organization Department, but you will also temporarily serve as Secretary of the Zhangjiakou Municipal Party Committee."

"Yes."

Zhao Zhensheng was very calm.

Although he was reluctant to offend Liu Huafu, he naturally accepted the appointment rather than reject it. After all, Liu Huafu's loss of power in Jin-Cha-Ji was inevitable. Liu Huafu had previously been the representative of the Jin-Cha-Ji local Party. However, with Zhao Zhensheng becoming Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, and Zhao Zhensheng himself a cadre from the Northern Bureau of the Beiping Municipal Party Committee, it was only natural that he would become the new representative of the Jin-Cha-Ji local Party.

It can be said that Zhao Zhensheng's status in Jin-Cha-Ji was instantly improved a lot.

Marshal Nie turned to look at Zhou Bin and said, "Comrade Zhou Bin, from now on you will be responsible for the overall management of Jin-Cha-Ji's industry, commerce, and finance.

"Yes."

Marshal Nie reassigned Liu Huafu's duties, assigning the work he had previously been responsible for to others. He then got to the point, saying, "The Central Committee recommends that Comrade Wei Hongjun assume full responsibility for land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji. Therefore, I propose that Comrade Wei Hongjun be appointed Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and continue to serve as a Standing Committee Member of the Bureau. Simultaneously, a Land Reform Working Committee should be established within the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, with Comrade Wei Hongjun as its Director. What are your thoughts?"

Wei Hongjun's work performance in the past two years has been truly outstanding.

Whether it's the Northeast Strategy or his leadership in university development, the small suggestions he made during this process all demonstrate a high level of strategic vision. Wei Hongjun not only possesses excellent strategic vision but also possesses a down-to-earth approach to accomplishing these tasks. For example, the Northeast Strategy was proposed by Wei Hongjun himself, and the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region became the primary force behind it.

Of course, the most outstanding thing is this land reform.

Wei Hongjun brought honor to Marshal Nie and the Jinchaji Party. Marshal Nie was willing to give Wei Hongjun more opportunities, hoping that he could maintain his current position. That's why he proposed that Wei Hongjun be appointed Deputy Secretary of the Jinchaji Central Bureau. It can be said that Wei Hongjun's rise since the Seventh National Congress was a leap forward. From a member of the Jinchaji Central Bureau to a standing member of the Jinchaji Party, he is now serving as Deputy Secretary of the Jinchaji Central Bureau. His position in the Jinchaji Party was already higher than that of many alternate members of the Central Committee at the Seventh National Congress. However, Wei Hongjun reached his current position without any forced advancement, taking each step very steadily. No one questioned why Wei Hongjun was promoted so quickly.

"I agree with the commander's proposal. Since Comrade Wei Hongjun is responsible for land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji, he should shoulder more responsibilities. Comrade Wei Hongjun is qualified to serve as Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau.

Yang Quanwu was the first to agree.

Yang Quanwu didn't mind Wei Hongjun's appointment as Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee. He was actually delighted that one of his generals had the opportunity to become Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee. Yang Quanwu had no reservations about Wei Hongjun's promotion; he was quite tolerant in this regard.

More importantly, Yang Quanwu was very dissatisfied with Liu Huafu's land reform.

Now that Wei Hongjun has taken charge, he can only be happy.

"I also agree that Comrade Wei Hongjun should serve as the deputy secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau." Zhou Bin expressed his approval.

After arriving in Jin-Cha-Ji, he wasn't entirely satisfied with Liu Huafu's policies there. This was primarily because they were inconsistent and varied too much, sometimes too "left," sometimes too "right."

This applies not only to rural policies, but also to urban policies.

Attitudes towards businesspeople also fluctuate too much, impacting economic sustainability. A cadre should maintain a certain degree of consistency in their approach to policy; even when adjusting policies due to changing conditions, they shouldn't waver.

After arriving in Jin-Cha-Ji, Zhou Bin was deeply impressed by the abilities of its cadres. Jin-Cha-Ji's reputation as a model base area was well-deserved. Each of these cadres possessed unique skills. Even Liu Huafu, whom Zhou Bin disliked, excelled in theoretical knowledge, organizational skills, propaganda, and cadre unity. Among these cadres, Zhou Bin most admired Wei Hongjun, with whom he shared common interests in economics and finance.

"Agree."

Everyone knows that Wei Hongjun is a favorite of both the central government and Marshal Nie. After all, using local power to directly influence central land reform policy is rare in CCP history. Wei Hongjun is currently at the height of his popularity, and no one wants to stop him.

Besides, Wei Hongjun represents not only himself, but also the most outstanding cadre coming out of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei military.

Marshal Nie, seeing the majority support, said, "That's settled. After the meeting, I will send a telegram to the Central Committee in the name of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau. Comrades Zhao Zhensheng and Wei Hongjun will serve as deputy secretaries of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau. Comrade Zhao Zhensheng will serve as acting secretary of the Zhangjiakou Municipal Party Committee, and Comrade Wei Hongjun will serve as director of the Jin-Cha-Ji Land Reform Commission."

This caused a big change in the official ecology of Jinchayi.

Liu Huafu withdrew from the core circle of Jin-Cha-Ji, and Wei Hongjun and Zhao Zhensheng took over.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun."

"arrive."

"Although you have achieved great success in the land reform work in Sheng County, you must guard against arrogance and impatience. Land reform is very important, but the more important the work, the less anxious you should be. Many things will go wrong if you rush into them. The Central Committee has decided to entrust you with such an important task, so you must do it well."

Marshal Nie gave his favorite general a warning.

At this moment, we must not rush into anything without success. Wei Hongjun certainly understood Marshal Nie's good intentions. So he immediately said loudly, "Yes."

"Establish a Land Reform Working Committee as soon as possible and then submit it to the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau for approval.

The more Marshal Nie looked at Wei Hongjun, the more he liked him.

After the central government issued the land reform directive, all bases were actively implementing the reform. However, much confusion arose during this process. However, the Jin-Cha-Ji region once again took the lead in the land reform.

The land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji became a model site for land reform across the country.

Marshal Nie considered Wei Hongjun a truly versatile warrior. He was capable of performing Party, government, and military work so well. Therefore, Marshal Nie gave Wei Hongjun ample authority. When the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau established the Land Reform Working Committee, Marshal Nie gave Wei Hongjun full authority to select personnel.

Marshal Nie himself would not interfere with personnel arrangements, nor would he allow others to do so. Marshal Nie was already a member of the Politburo, so he had his own plans. Given the current state of development in Jin-Cha-Ji, unless major problems arose, Marshal Nie's continued advancement was a foregone conclusion.

Marshal Nie has been considering candidates for cadres to take over Jin-Cha-Ji.

Marshal Nie admired many cadres in Jin-Cha-Ji, but after much deliberation, he believed that Wei Hongjun was the one who could shoulder the heavy responsibility of Jin-Cha-Ji. Therefore, Marshal Nie was willing to give Wei Hongjun more room to play.

Chapter 664: Central Trust

After Wei Hongjun became the director of the Land Reform Committee of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, he immediately transferred Li Shaocheng to the Land Reform Working Committee as deputy director.

This is not Wei Hongjun's nepotism.