Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Chiang Kai-shek still had great trust in his favorite general Du Yuming.

Several months had passed since Du Yuming arrived at the front, but he had only just captured Shanhaiguan. His troops suffered setbacks at Jinzhou and requested assistance from Chiang Kai-shek. Although Chiang reprimanded Du Yuming, arguing that his offensive was too slow, he also realized that the Northeastern Eighth Route Army was formidable, not as simple as he had initially thought.

But he couldn't abandon the Northeast, so he continued to deploy troops there. First, he dispatched the 93rd Yunnan Army to land in Huludao. Don't be fooled by its Yunnan origins, as it might appear to be a ragtag unit. This was not the case at all. Like the 60th Yunnan Army that had previously entered the Northeast, the 93rd Army was also an elite unit of the Nationalist Army equipped with semi-American weapons, and its combat effectiveness was extremely strong. With the 93rd Army's arrival in the Northeast, Du Yuming's command had grown to seven armies.

But Du Yuming still lacked confidence.

Although Deng Guo proposed to give up Jinzhou and Shenyang, he certainly could not give them up easily. The two sides fought a fierce battle in Jinzhou for about ten days before Deng Guo led his troops to evacuate Jinzhou.

Why Deng Guo was able to be in charge of a strategic area.

In addition to Deng Guo's extensive experience, he also performed very well as the commander of the Ji-Re-Liaoning Military Region. Of course, the central government's trust in Deng Guo was due to his extraordinary ability to control and organize the troops.

Even when assigned to unfamiliar units, Deng Guo was able to quickly master the troops and build good relationships with the cadres. This was what the Central Committee was most optimistic about.

That's the case this time.

After ten days of fighting, the Third and Eighth Column suffered heavy casualties.

Yet, the troops retreated without any disorder. A general's ability is best reflected in his retreat. Deng Guo performed exceptionally well in this regard. Two columns of over 50,000 troops retreated without any disorder.

Du Yuming actually wanted to take advantage of the Eighth Route Army's retreat to launch an attack.

Unfortunately, Deng Guo commanded his troops to retreat very calmly, leaving no room for Du Ming.

This made Du Yuming very wary of the Eighth Route Army troops on the opposite side.

Du Yuming had fought in major battles and witnessed the rout of the Nationalist army. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Nationalist army suffered numerous defeats.

So Du Yuming knew better than anyone how difficult it was to organize a retreating force.

But Deng Guo was able to organize the retreat of his troops so perfectly.

Although Du Yuming inflicted heavy casualties on the Eighth Route Army during the Jinzhou offensive, he wasn't thrilled at all. He had so many elite troops, both equipped with American and semi-American weapons, yet they were held back in Jinzhou for ten days by the Eighth Route Army. He also suffered numerous casualties on his side.

Du Yuming suddenly became very worried about the situation in Northeast China.

Therefore, Du Yuming immediately reported to Chiang Kai-shek, stating that the Northeastern Eighth Route Army's combat effectiveness was even greater than he had imagined. The Northeastern Eighth Route Army was no longer the Eighth Route Army that only knew how to fight guerrilla warfare. While its weaponry was inferior to that of the Nationalist Army, its main force was equipped entirely with Japanese-style equipment. Furthermore, the troops advanced and retreated in an orderly manner, were well-organized, and employed infantry tactics with ease. Furthermore, Du Yuming knew that he was only facing a portion of the Northeastern Eighth Route Army.

The main force of the Northeast Eighth Route Army was around Changchun.

After receiving Du Yuming's telegram, Chiang Kai-shek reprimanded Du Yuming while once again mobilizing troops into the Northeast. The central government knew the importance of the Northeast, and Chiang Kai-shek certainly knew it too. As China's most industrially advanced region, the Northeast was a region everyone wanted to capture. If the Northeast fell into the hands of the Eighth Route Army, they would have a steady supply of military supplies.

This was something Chiang Kai-shek could not accept.

Because both sides knew the importance of the Northeast, they made an exception for it, even though they had already signed a peace treaty and established a military mediation office. They didn't care about these things at all, and continued to fight in the Northeast.

Chiang Kai-shek immediately dispatched the 2nd Army and the 8th Army to the Northeast.

Historically, the Second Army and the Eighth Army were both on the Shandong battlefield, but the current situation in the Northeast forced Chiang Kai-shek to transfer these elite troops to the Northeast.

With the Second and Eighth Armies entering Northeast China, the Nationalist army's strength in the region reached a new peak. Chiang Kai-shek now commanded 20 armies equipped with American and semi-American weapons, nine of which had already entered Northeast China. This meant that half of the Nationalist army's elite American and semi-American weapons had entered Northeast China. This clearly demonstrated Chiang Kai-shek's determination to secure the Northeast.

By this point, the number of American- and semi-American-equipped troops dispatched by Chiang Kai-shek to the Northeast had surpassed 50. Adding to the various puppet and bandit units reorganized along the way, as well as the Northeast Advancing Army in northern Manchuria, the Nationalist army had over troops in the Northeast. The Northeast Eighth Route Army and the Nationalist army, with their combined forces totaling millions, were already preparing for a potential conflict. While the KMT and the CCP hadn't yet completely ruptured, it was close.

The Peking Military Mediation could no longer control the situation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party.

They hoped that both sides could sit down and negotiate, but it was of no use. Chiang Kai-shek could not give the Eighth Route Army any breathing space.

If the Eighth Route Army had been allowed to continue developing, the Northeast would have really lost its chance with the National Army.

So when Marshall tried to mediate, Chiang Kai-shek didn't care at all. He kept ordering Du Yuming to take over the Northeast. Especially after Du Yuming took Jinzhou, Chiang Kai-shek ordered Du Yuming to take Shenyang as soon as possible.

Du Yuming had a headache.

He certainly hoped to quickly capture Shenyang, but many of his troops were currently war-weary. Besides the fact that some troops didn't want to fight a civil war, most of them were very reluctant to do so.

The troops entering Northeast China were elite units that had fought for so many years during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression; otherwise, they wouldn't have been equipped with American or semi-American weapons. They fought tooth and nail on the front lines, finally ushering in victory. But what about those troops whose achievements far outweighed theirs, and the officials enjoying themselves in the rear, who, through the acquisition of cities, enriched themselves lavishly? But what about these troops?

It was transported from the southwest to the northeast by Chiang Kai-shek on a warship.

There was no rest for a moment.

First, they engaged the Eighth Route Army in eastern Hebei. Then, they engaged in a fierce battle at Shanhaiguan, and then again at Jinzhou. They hadn't had a good rest for months. Their hearts were restless, and their morale was low. Du Yuming knew that unless he offered them some benefits, these troops wouldn't fight with all their might.

Du Yuming knew that the best strategy was to concentrate his forces to attack Shenyang. However, he had no choice but to divide his forces. The troops began to disperse and attack Panjin, Anshan, Liaoyang, Benxi, and other places.

Although they were also advancing towards Shenyang, they had already lost their edge.

Deng Guo began to deploy a defense line in Shenyang, making a gesture of defending Shenyang to the death.

The deteriorating situation in Northeast China also directly affected the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Although the two parties were still negotiating and the military mediation in Peking was still in progress, the central government had already begun to order the various military regions to stop disarmament.

At the same time, the central government held a land work conference.

Instructions for change were issued.

Of course, the central government did not specify the content of land reform.

At the meeting, the Chairman stated that the policy for resolving the land issue at the Seventh National Congress was to reduce rent and interest and to find appropriate methods to ensure that land to the tiller was owned. Party committees in all regions must clearly understand that resolving the land issue in the liberated areas is our Party's most fundamental historical task at present and a fundamental link in all its current work. With the utmost determination and effort, we must mobilize and lead the masses to accomplish this historical task. If we can resolve the land issue in the liberated areas, with a population of tens of millions, it will greatly consolidate these areas and significantly advance the people of the entire country towards national democratization.

The central government must completely end the land policy of "rent and interest reduction" during the Anti-Japanese War, and instead implement a new land reform policy of "land to the tiller."

The message of this instruction is very clear.

The Central Committee no longer pinned its hopes on forming a coalition government with the Kuomintang, but instead aimed to independently complete the historical mission of land reform. When the order reached Jin-Cha-Ji, the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau immediately convened a meeting.

At this meeting, Liu Huafu and Wei Hongjun both put forward their own land reform plans.

"I disagree."

Wei Hongjun directly opposed Liu Huafu's land reform plan, saying, "I think Comrade Liu Huafu's land reform plan is completely unrealistic. He has not taken into account the history of our Jin-Cha-Ji region, nor the current situation of our Jin-Cha-Ji Liberated Area.

“What’s not realistic?”

Liu Huafu was very angry.

Since the Seventh National Congress, military-educated cadres like those in the Jin-Cha-Ji region have been promoted at a rapid pace. For example, Yang Quanwu, despite his relatively young experience, managed to become an alternate member of the Central Committee.

Now that the Central Committee had issued instructions for land reform, he was the local Party leader in Jin-Cha-Ji. Naturally, he was solely responsible for the land reform.

But Wei Hongjun, a military cadre, actually came up with a "land reform plan." Wei Hongjun was in the military department, so he didn't care what the army did. But when Wei Hongjun got involved in local affairs, Liu Huafu couldn't stand it. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun's direct opposition to his "land reform plan" further angered Liu Huafu.

Wei Hongjun is not afraid of Liu Huafu either.

Marshal Nie is now in charge of Jin-Cha-Ji. He is a member of the Politburo, and those under him, whether deputy secretaries or members of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, are at best alternate members of the Central Committee. The gap between them and Marshal Nie is stark.

Wei Hongjun must personally lead the land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji this time.

This wasn't just for Jin Cha Yi's benefit; it was also to build political capital for himself. If the land reform was done well this time, Wei Hongjun would have real military and political achievements. No one would be able to say anything about how he would be promoted in the future.

"We are still in the fighting stage, and what we need most is the stability of the base area. However, according to Comrade Liu Huafu's plan, we must completely break with the rich peasants and landlords in Shanxi, Chahar and Hebei, and completely eliminate them as enemies. At the same time, it will directly undermine the interests of the middle peasants and make them turn their backs on us, the Eighth Route Army. Many of them firmly supported our anti-Japanese resistance in Shanxi, Chahar and Hebei during the War of Resistance. We must never kill them with one blow. Our land reform should focus on stabilizing the base area, while fully mobilizing the semi-self-cultivating peasants and poor and hired peasants to achieve the goal of "land to the tiller". We should add a category to the rich peasants and landlords. We should unite with the landlords and rich peasants who are willing to support our land reform work. What we want to eliminate is the feudal land system and the landlord class, not individual landlords.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, our land reform is a monumental event. What we need to do is completely break the old rural order and establish a new one. What we need to do now is to destroy the old world, not to look ahead or behind."

“We are destroying the old world in order to build a new one, not just destroying the old one for the sake of destroying the old one.”

Liu Huafu and Wei Hongjun started arguing directly.

Marshal Nie watched the two men arguing and said, "Comrade Liu Huafu and Comrade Wei Hongjun have different ideas about land reform. My suggestion is that you each choose a county to carry out land reform and let us see how it goes."

Marshal Nie even supported Wei Hongjun's "land reform plan."

Because it was more advanced and more practical. However, Marshal Nie did not want to directly reject Liu Huafu's "land reform plan." So Marshal Nie decided to let two people test it out and see how it would work.

After the meeting of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, Liu Huafu was very angry.

He was very dissatisfied with Wei Hongjun.

Although Wei Hongjun was a standing member of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee and the secretary of the Ji-Re-Cha Border Region District Committee, which meant he held a local position, he was still a military cadre, and matters like land reform were not something he should have interfered with.

But Wei Hongjun insisted on broadcasting on his own station.

But what happened next made him even angrier.

Wei Hongjun was the commander and political commissar of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, the secretary of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Border Region, and the commander and political commissar of the Third Field Army of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region. Therefore, he had a strong base. If Wei Hongjun wanted to implement land reform, he could find a county in his own Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region.

But there was a problem with Liu Huafu.

Although he was the local Party representative in Jin-Cha-Ji and even the Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee, he encountered numerous problems when he sought a location for land reform. Wei Hongjun's Ji-Re-Cha base area did not welcome him, and Yang Quanwu was even more of a troll, usually showing no respect for Liu Huafu. Yang Quanwu had already been "notorious" in the First Division, and he held absolute power in his own territory. Liu Huafu was unwilling to go to Yang Quanwu's Ji-Central Military Region and suffer under his rule.

As for Guo Tianmin's Yanbei base, he looked down on it. This was mainly because the Yanbei region was extremely poor. Furthermore, Guo Tianmin had extensive experience and a hot temper. Therefore, Liu Huafu could only focus on the Jilu Military Region.

Pingshan County was found, which was the fourth district where Zhao Lu used to be.

Liu Huafu planned to create the standards of the Jin-Cha-Ji land reform in Pingshan County.

Liu Huafu distrusted the local cadres, so he transferred a group of them from Zhangjiakou to Pingshan County. In comparison, Wei Hongjun's side was much more relaxed, as he had already made preparations for land reform.

Wei Hongjun has a group of outstanding rural cadres.

Chapter 658: Land Reform in Sheng County

After the meeting on land reform of the Central Bureau of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region ended, Wei Hongjun brought Li Shaocheng and Yang Yonghui to Sheng County.

Because Wei Hongjun wanted to carry out land reform here.

Wei Hongjun was not going into battle unprepared. On the contrary, he had been focusing on this matter since the rural work conference at the beginning of the year.

First, rural cadres from all over the country held a big discussion to unify their thinking.

Then, rural cadres were drawn from all over the country and sent to Zhangjiakou for study. Although peace prevailed in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei from the end of 1945 to the spring of 1946, many cadres became somewhat lax. However, this was also a good opportunity.

In the past, the war was so busy that cadres were busy working on the front lines. Now that such a good opportunity has finally come, Wei Hongjun must let these rural cadres learn more and improve their work ability.

Li Shaocheng is fully responsible.

When Wei Hongjun has time, he will come and communicate with these rural cadres. These rural cadres have their own ideas and working methods, and Wei Hongjun does not force them to do anything.

Instead, in the process of learning, we can gradually improve their working ability, change the working style of many people, and make them understand what is reform.

What Wei Hongjun did was to make them understand the importance of land reform. At the same time, he made them understand that land reform was not simply to suppress landlords and rich peasants, but to completely change the land situation in rural areas.

The ultimate goal is to completely overthrow the rural land class and change the rural feudal land system.

Precisely because of sufficient preparation, Wei Hongjun is full of confidence this time.

"Report on the work of your team during this period.

Chen Tao has been in Sheng County for some time.

Chen Tao came to Sheng County as the leader of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Border Region Working Group. More accurately, he came to Sheng County as a special commissioner. He came to Sheng County to prepare for land reform, but his responsibilities extended beyond land reform.

Upon hearing Wei Hongjun's question, Chen Tao immediately said, "Secretary Wei, our work team has done five things since arriving in Sheng County. The first was to investigate and rectify the Sheng County Party Committee and Government, as well as the District Party Committee and Government, and to investigate the implementation of the leadership division system under the collective leadership of the Party Committee. In accordance with the instructions of the Ji-Re-Cha Border Region District Committee on the leadership division system under the collective leadership of the Party Committee, we must strengthen the power of the collective leadership of the Party Committee, do a good job in the division of labor among leaders, and at the same time, do a good job in building democracy within the Party Committee. The responsibilities and powers of each department must be clearly defined to eliminate the previous wrangling between departments."

There are many problems in the Eighth Route Army base area now.

Either some leaders hold immense power in local areas. Having spent years in the revolution, their ranks are filled with old comrades and colleagues. Consequently, Party committees are highly irregular. Local policies can almost be determined by a single word from the leadership. The existence of Party committees is virtually ineffective, unable to constrain cadres. Alternatively, although various institutions have been established, the lack of clear division of responsibilities between them leads to serious wrangling.