Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Secretary Wei, I understand. Back then, we fought the Northern Expedition together, but Chiang Kai-shek turned around and launched the April 12th counter-revolutionary coup. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, we fought the Japanese together, but Chiang Kai-shek launched the Southern Anhui Incident in the south. This kind of person cannot be trusted. We have suffered too much in the past."

Li Shaocheng is an old party member.

Because he was familiar with this history, he did not trust Chiang Kai-shek's so-called peace.

Chen Tao also nodded.

"Although the peace agreement was signed, the policies and government structures of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China are completely different. How could two such parties possibly form a coalition government?"

Wei Hongjun was very happy.

Now the base is peaceful and there is a peaceful atmosphere everywhere.

Fortunately, many cadres understood that this was only a temporary, false message of peace.

Wei Hongjun looked at Li Shaocheng and Chen Tao and said, "I plan to take advantage of this rare opportunity of peace and stability to promote campaigns such as 'village affairs disclosure,' 'village affairs supervision,' and 'literacy campaigns' in our Ji-Re-Cha Military Region. We will work on these three fronts simultaneously to thoroughly ignite this fire in the countryside. When the central government requires us to begin land reform, our land reform work team will not forcefully push for land reform in our villages in the form of orders. Instead, we will work with the farmers who demand it to implement it in the countryside. Let our farmers consciously stand up to support land reform and personally participate in it."

"I'll be honest with you two about my goal. The land reform I envision is one that combines the work teams, local cadres, and farmers. It's a genuine overthrow of the feudal land system and the landlord class, but it's not a reform aimed at eliminating individual landlords.

"Land to the tiller" has always been everyone's goal, and the Communist Party of China is fulfilling this millennia-old dream in rural areas. However, our land reform aims to transform the rural land system and eliminate the system of rural exploitation, not to target individual rich peasants and landlords. I want to create a model area for land reform in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region."

"Comrade Shaocheng, Comrade Chen Tao, I have chosen Sheng County, our old base, as the model area for land reform. I would like to send you there to promote 'village affairs disclosure,' 'village affairs supervision,' 'literacy campaign,' and 'farmers' rights education.' Comrade Chen Tao, after this rural work conference is over, you will go to Sheng County and take charge of these matters. Comrade Shaocheng, you must keep an eye on this matter."

"Yes."

"Yes."

Chapter 650 Matchmaking

Wei Hongjun held a rural work conference in Zhangjiakou for two weeks, which has not yet concluded. Wei Hongjun originally wanted to accept the conference for two weeks, but more and more problems arose during the meeting, so it has not yet concluded.

This meeting discussed more than just the issues raised by Wei Hongjun. During the meeting, rural frontline cadres also raised their own questions and ideas. Everyone was very active, expressing their own thoughts.

They are all cadres who have worked in rural areas for many years.

They are all very familiar with the countryside.

Therefore, the questions and suggestions raised are very relevant to rural realities. Many of them are issues that Wei Hongjun has not even considered.

During such intense discussions, everyone's understanding of land reform became increasingly deeper.

People began to understand the core of land reform, how it should be carried out, and what issues should be addressed during the process. They also began to discuss the potential problems that would arise after land reform and how land reform policies should be adjusted to prevent these problems.

Of course, this was also the first time that Wei Hongjun publicly put forward some of his ideas on land reform. Wei Hongjun proposed a three-step process for land reform during the New Democratic Revolution, namely the primary stage, the intermediate stage, and the advanced stage.

Land reform had different purposes at different stages, so there were also different land reform policies.

Gradually, we have reached a consensus on some issues, but we have not been able to reach a consensus on some issues.

It's like the issue of land annexation.

Most cadres believed that such problems should not arise in land reform.

Especially regarding the issue of rural land circulation mentioned by Liu Hao, everyone believes that strong measures must be taken to prevent it.

But at the moment, there aren’t many solutions.

The most effective way is to introduce policies to prohibit land transactions.

However, some cadres have doubts.

So, what's the reason for prohibiting the sale of land? After all, after the land reform, these lands have become private property. How do they deal with their private property? Does the policy still need to control it?

This will cause a lot of problems.

On the contrary, it will make some farmers worry: if you manage the land now, will you manage other properties in the future?

There is also the issue of rich peasant Party members.

Most cadres believe that there is no problem for party members to get rich through hard work, but if party members are involved in issues such as land rent and employment, they should be dealt with seriously.

The purpose of our revolution is to solve the problem of exploitation. How can it be that you, a Party member, take the lead in exploitation?

Then there is the question of landlords and the landlord class.

Gradually, everyone reached a consensus. Of course, this was also related to the special situation of Jin-Cha-Ji. After all, a large number of landlords in Jin-Cha-Ji participated in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and in the construction of Jin-Cha-Ji.

So everyone’s attitude is that the landlord class should be eliminated, but landlords and rich peasants should be classified and not all treated as the same exploiting class.

As for the treatment of middle peasants and self-cultivating farmers, the cadres in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei had a similar attitude. That is, the rights and interests of middle peasants and self-cultivating farmers should be protected, and they should be separated from the exploiting classes such as landlords and rich peasants during the land reform process.

Of course, the biggest disagreement lies between local cadres and the land reform work team.

How could local cadres and the land reform teams avoid conflict while also ensuring the smooth implementation of land reform? Opinions were divided. However, Wei Hongjun could understand this, as the majority of rural cadres in Jin-Cha-Ji were local. Even those who weren't local had become local cadres after years of working together in the revolution.

Wei Hongjun's current job is to make local cadres abandon their selfishness, abandon their networks of relationships, and earnestly implement land reform.

"Look, everyone is relatively stable now. You are the only one busy with everything. Outside..."

Marshal Nie smiled when he saw Wei Hongjun.

It’s true.

Since the signing of the peace agreement between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, the situation in most of the Eighth Route Army's base areas has been relatively stable. Aside from the Northeast, where both sides are still sharpening their swords, the conflict in other areas has essentially ended. While it's not quite the end of the war, the sense of urgency has also faded.

This is especially true in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei.

After eight years of the War of Resistance Against Japan, everyone felt a little war-weary.

No one wants to fight.

The peace agreement had just been signed. Coupled with some cadres advocating the "peaceful nation-building theory," many believed that peace had finally arrived. Consequently, the work of many departments in the Jin-Cha-Yi region was becoming somewhat lax. In contrast, Wei Hongjun remained active in the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region.

The field army is conducting large-scale military training, the newly formed military sub-district is also busy, and there is also a rural work conference. Of course, when there is time, there is also the responsibility for the current construction and development of Jin-Cha-Ji University.

I'm very busy anyway.

Because Wei Hongjun refused to rest, the cadres in Ji-Re-Cha (Hebei, Rehe, and Chahar) were also afraid to rest. This caused a lot of complaints from some Ji-Re-Cha cadres, and also affected the cadres in the Jin-Cha-Yi (Shanxi, Chahar, and Jin-Yi) departments. Therefore, many people spoke ill of Wei Hongjun behind his back.

"Commander, it's better to be busy now than to have a real falling out with Chiang Kai-shek and be caught off guard.

"You."

Nie Shuai said to Luo Qirong beside him, "Look at him, he's just a donkey. He doesn't even know how to rest when asked to.

"Yes."

Luo Qirong also smiled.

Marshal Nie looked at Wei Hongjun and said, "You think too much. World War II was too brutal, so the world is calling for peace now.

Powerful nations like Britain, the United States, France, and the Soviet Union are adjusting their policies, all calling for post-war peace. Therefore, peace is now the mainstream, and everyone in the country longs for it. We must have sufficient confidence in peace. Currently, through negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek and American mediation, the dawn of peaceful nation-building has appeared. You, the soldiers who have fought for so many years, should also learn to enjoy peace.

Wei Hongjun crossed his arms and folded his arms.

Peace?

Wei Hongjun certainly hoped for peace in China. But he knew the current so-called peace talks were a sham. But looking at Marshal Nie's attitude, he knew he truly believed peace was possible.

In history, Marshal Nie was so active in disarmament that he really thought there would be no need to fight.

Marshal Nie later said in his memoirs that he trusted the Americans too much.

Marshal Nie believed that with American mediation, war would not break out. Under the current international situation, as long as the United States and the Soviet Union disagreed, a war between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party should be impossible. In Marshal Nie's view, no country in the world could go against the will of the United States and the Soviet Union.

It’s a pity that Marshal Nie forgot.

China is a great power. Even someone like Chiang Kai-shek, who pins his hopes on imperialism, has his own core interests. While he may act according to the imperialists' wishes, that doesn't mean he has to obey them.

This is different from the leaders of small countries who are completely subject to imperialism.

The United States does not support China's current civil war, but if Chiang Kai-shek were to start a war, US policy would have to change. And it would have to support Chiang Kai-shek. After all, the CCP is a Marxist party, and if it were to win, it would stand back to back with the Soviet Union and directly change the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.

Wei Hongjun did not argue with Marshal Nie.

Because of the current situation, there is no point in both sides arguing.

Marshal Nie immediately asked, "Hongjun, how old are you this year?"

"thirty."

"At thirty, you're not young anymore. It's time to start a family. Now that the war is over, the situation has stabilized. You guys should have started families a long time ago, but the war kept delaying it. Now we have to consider this issue.

"I?"

Of course Wei Hongjun also wants to get married.

He had never been married in his two lifetimes. If he were to get married, it would be a good thing to have a caring woman at home. It was just that he had been fighting all the time, so Wei Hongjun hadn't solved his personal problems.

Now that the situation is stable, getting married is a good idea.

But there is also a problem.

Wei Hongjun had been so busy with work these past few years that he didn't really know many women. He wanted to get married, but couldn't find a partner. Seeing Wei Hongjun's expression, Nie Shuai smiled and said, "Director Luo and I will introduce you to someone."

"Blind date?"

"Why, don't you want to?"

"no no."

Wei Hongjun suddenly found it funny.

At this time, the organization was the one who arranged the matchmaking, and free love and marriage were rare. Because everyone was busy fighting the war and building the base, it was not common for men and women to meet each other.

There is no time for dating.

But with so many older cadres, their personal problems must be resolved.

What should I do?

Only the organization can step in.

Wei Hongjun has now become a difficult person. It's not that Wei Hongjun can't get married. In fact, Wei Hongjun now needs to solve personal problems. To be frank, there are female college students who have just joined the base area who are willing to marry him.

But this is not such a casual thing.

Wei Hongjun is no longer a small cadre.

The organization has its own considerations, and Nie Shuai and his men also have theirs.

"Who is the other party?"

Wei Hongjun is very clear about the current rules.

Now that Nie Shuai and Luo Qirong had personally come forward to act as matchmakers for Wei Hongjun, the matter was essentially set in stone. The only thing missing was that Nie Shuai and Luo Qirong hadn't tied Wei Hongjun up to the bridal chamber.

Unless after meeting, Wei Hongjun is really not satisfied and refuses to get married.