Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Yang Quanwu nodded.

As long as you are prepared, there are many ways to deal with it.

If you reduce the original force by two-thirds, it would be around 60,000. If you give him 400,000, then reducing it by two-thirds would still leave 130,000. Think of other ways to hide some troops and you can fool them.

Chapter 646 Preparation for Land Reform

The two tasks that Wei Hongjun currently attaches the most importance to are disarmament and land reform.

If the Jin-Cha-Ji region could overcome these two challenges, it would not only become the fifth largest field army, but would also be one of the strongest in the PLA. Had the Jin-Cha-Ji forces not flooded into the Northeast on such a large scale, their size would have accounted for over 35% of the entire Eighth Route Army. This was truly a formidable force. Even with so many troops entering the Northeast, the Jin-Cha-Ji Eighth Route Army still accounted for approximately 25% of the entire Eighth Route Army.

One can imagine the strength of the model base area of ​​Jin-Cha-Ji.

As a cadre of Jin-Cha-Ji, Wei Hongjun must help Jin-Cha-Ji get out of its historical problems.

Yang Quanwu and Guo Tianmin shared Wei Hongjun's thoughts on disarmament. After receiving Wei Hongjun's letter, they responded positively. Not only did Yang Quanwu, but Guo Tianmin was also very supportive.

Historically, when Guo Tianmin was downsizing his army, he secretly retained 10,000 troops.

That was under orders from their superiors. They were all frontline generals! The leaders simply didn't believe the KMT and the CCP could achieve peace. After all, both sides were sharpening their swords and mobilizing their troops, so there was no sign of peace at all.

Now is just a matter of making preparations in advance, let alone Wei Hongjun, Yang Quanwu, and Guo Tianmin began to set up some fictitious organizations in their respective military regions and field armies.

Some of the established field brigades had lists of cadres, but they were actually just empty numbers.

There are also large-scale independent divisions with few people established in military regions.

As a result, the military establishment in Jin-Cha-Ji expanded rapidly.

With the cooperation of Yang Quanwu and Guo Tianmin, Wei Hongjun knew that he should be able to overcome the difficulties during the disarmament and would never repeat the situation in history. After all, disarmament was just a matter of bickering between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, and no one would actually do it.

Moreover, the disarmament issue is just a passing fad.

As long as two months pass, the disarmament will be over.

After resolving the issue of disarmament, Wei Hongjun began to prepare for the subsequent land reform. During the Anti-Japanese War, Wei Hongjun independently developed the Chahar base area and had extensive experience in developing and establishing base areas.

Including land reform.

This was the result of eight years of practical experience Wei Hongjun had gained in his rural base. If in his previous life, Wei Hongjun was just a low-level civil servant, fresh out of school, his head filled with textbook knowledge, then in this eight years, Wei Hongjun had truly learned a great deal. He was now adept at rural work, and when it came to rural affairs, he was now an expert.

Combined with later information, Wei Hongjun's ideas about land reform were relatively complete. Wei Hongjun's preparations for future land reforms were not just about stabilizing land reform efforts in Jin-Cha-Ji. He also had many deeper ideas.

Historically, land reform work in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei has been repeated.

Initially, land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji progressed slowly. The primary reason was that many of the cadres in Jin-Cha-Ji were locals, often from relatively well-off backgrounds. Consequently, when tasked with carrying out land reform, their fellow villagers hesitated. More importantly, their backgrounds made them hesitant, and they were unable to bring themselves to act harshly against the rich peasants and landlords. Consequently, land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji remained superficial.

It can be said that the land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji was unsuccessful in the first few months of 46.

Later, Liu Huafu and other cadres who presided over the land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji decided in anger to abandon the local cadres in the land reform work team and use all outside cadres to implement the land reform.

As a result, after these outside cadres arrived, they made a series of bold moves, making the land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji extremely "leftist." If the land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji was somewhat "rightist," then the land reform work in the following months began to become "leftist."

Sometimes "right", sometimes "left". As a result, not only the cadres of Jin-Cha-Ji were confused, but also the people of Jin-Cha-Ji were confused.

The result was that the entire Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei base area was in chaos.

Later, Comrade Xiuyang arrived in Jin-Cha-Ji and convened a national conference on land reform. He then took direct charge of land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji. At the time, there were already complaints that the previous land reform work was too "leftist," suggesting that the land reform cadres had made mistakes. However, Comrade Xiuyang, in an effort to stabilize these outsiders, offered a statement.

That is, absolutely no rectification work is carried out, allowing these cadres to work with confidence. In the past, whenever problems arose in Party policies, rectification work would be carried out. This meant criticizing and correcting previous mistakes, and the cadres who made the mistakes would be punished.

However, Comrade Xiuyang's assurance that no corrections would be made immediately calmed the cadres of the Jinchayi Land Reform Team. It's fair to say that his words reassured these cadres of their gratitude. Because the previous land reform efforts had been so deeply "leftist," if they were to be investigated further, countless cadres would be affected.

Afterwards, Comrade Xiuyang began to personally rectify the land reform work in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei.

His method was to combine the work teams from outside with the "poor peasant groups" in the countryside to promote land reform. This method had an immediate effect on the implementation of rural land reform. Because his method struck a blow against the local forces in Jin-Cha-Yi, the land reform work was carried out in a bold and decisive manner. However, this method also directly affected the work of the entire Jin-Cha-Yi region, making it even more "leftist" than the original land reform.

Because Jin-Cha-Ji is different from some other places.

Every inch of land in the Jin-Cha-Ji base area was recaptured from the Japanese by the Eighth Route Army. It can be said that Jin-Cha-Ji was the only region within the entire Eighth Route Army and New Fourth Army system where all base areas were seized from the Japanese. Throughout this process, Jin-Cha-Ji performed remarkably well in all aspects of its work. Marshal Nie wielded excellent policy, particularly in this unique region. His promotion of a united front against the Japanese was highly successful. He rallied numerous local forces within the Jin-Cha-Ji region. Many wealthy peasants and landlords in the region were wooed into the war effort. Numerous enlightened gentry in the region not only supported the Eighth Route Army's anti-Japanese struggle, but many even joined the army and participated in the war. It can be said that many of the "38th-style" cadres who joined the Jin-Cha-Ji region during the Anti-Japanese War were of mixed character. Marshal Nie cleverly grasped their psychology and integrated them into the cadre system within the Jin-Cha-Ji region. Marshal Nie's contribution to the subsequent rapid development of Jin-Cha-Ji was immense.

Marshal Nie was able to develop Jin-Cha-Ji to such a scale despite his not-so-good military command ability, thanks to his outstanding base area management ability.

This is also why the earliest land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji was somewhat "rightist"

One of the reasons.

If you were in a place like the Northeast, there would be no problem with a slightly "leftist" approach to land reform. To be frank, what contribution have you, the Northeast landlords, made to the revolution? After our Eighth Route Army entered the Northeast, we were able to carry out our revolution without relying on you.

There were no rich peasants or landlords from the Northeast among the cadre system of the Northeast Eighth Route Army. So the land reform in the Northeast was a little "leftist" and didn't give you rich peasants and landlords face. What else could you do?

The land reform conducted by Gao Gang and his colleagues in Northeast China was historically somewhat "leftist." Yet, there weren't many problems there; on the contrary, the work proceeded very smoothly. This is the reason. Within the Northeast's military and political system, there were no cadres from wealthy peasant and landlord backgrounds. Therefore, the "leftist" approach to the land reform had little impact and could not sway the overall situation.

But it is not the case in Shanxi, Chahar and Hebei.

Many wealthy peasants and landlords in the Jin-Cha-Ji region risked their fortunes to support the Jin-Cha-Ji Eighth Route Army's anti-Japanese war. Countless cadres came from such families and made significant contributions during the war. In other words, they themselves are part of the history of the Jin-Cha-Ji Anti-Japanese War. These local Jin-Cha-Ji cadres currently hold considerable status and influence within the Jin-Cha-Ji Party, government, and military systems.

If you carry out "leftist" land reform without any regard for others, what will these Jin-Cha-Yi cadres think? How will you maintain the Jin-Cha-Yi military and political cadre system?

What do you think the enlightened gentry who supported the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Eighth Route Army during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression think?

We abandoned our homes, our careers, and risked our lives to support your Eighth Route Army in the fight against Japan. We fought the Japanese together, and suffered together. Now that we've driven the Japanese away, you're going to abandon us?

It doesn't sound good if you say it out loud.

This is the special history of Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei.

What was the result of implementing the land reform reform model through cooperation between the land reform work teams and the poor peasants’ associations other than Comrade Xiuyang?

As a result, the land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji led to numerous incidents. There were conflicts between the outside work groups and local cadres, between the army and the land reform work groups, and even the defection of Jin-Cha-Ji cadres to Fu Zuoyi's army.

It’s really hard to put into words.

Comrade Xiuyang personally oversaw the land reform, which was even more problematic than the previous land reform. In particular, the "Poor Peasants' League," under his leadership, was filled with too many unruly individuals. To be frank, the truly poor peasants and hired laborers in the countryside were servile and timid, each one daring not to breathe. Even if you're naturally short-tempered, life can mellow you out.

It's not easy to get these poor peasants to hold their heads high and live an upright life, let alone actively participate in political movements. Therefore, the "Poor Peasants' League" organized by Comrade Xiuyang was largely populated by lumpen proletarians rather than genuine poor peasants.

The damage done to the revolution by the lumpen proletariat is extremely serious, and the consequences are incalculable.

This is what the land reform in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei was like.

Comrade Xiuyang's approach actually makes sense. Land reform in rural areas requires mobilizing the peasants and allowing them to fight for power. Only when the vast majority of the peasantry supports the work can it truly proceed. However, these land reform teams must steer the direction and policies. However, Comrade Xiuyang attacked local cadres, leading these teams to completely abandon them and hand over the reins of rural land reform to the "Poor Peasants' League." However, the "Poor Peasants' League" became infused with numerous lumpen proletarians and individuals with ulterior motives, and the situation changed dramatically.

That is "left".

Historically, disarmament and land reform were the two things that caused the greatest damage to Shanxi, Chahar and Hebei.

Wei Hongjun couldn't let this happen.

Not only must this not happen, Wei Hongjun has even greater ambitions. He wants to create a model land reform demonstration zone in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and create a "Hebei-Rehe-Chahar land reform experience."

Before the National Conference on Scholars and Localities in 47, a model scholar reform demonstration zone was created.

This would not only benefit land reform nationwide but also add a rich legacy to one's political career. In the history of the Chinese Communist Party, aside from those early Soviet-educated cadres who quickly rose to power thanks to the Communist International, many other cadres who rose to power quickly during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Liberation War, and after Liberation were able to do so because of their own unique identities and political achievements. Whether these achievements were right or wrong, at least they were dazzling at the time. This is why their political status was able to rise so quickly.

The same is true for Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun, with his achievements during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, had already established himself within the military and was a member of the Standing Committee of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee. He still needed to add a significant chapter to his political resume. With his military achievements, coupled with political achievements in land reform, Wei Hongjun's position within the Party could rapidly rise.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun convened the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Rural Work Conference in Zhangjiakou.

All the cadres working in the rural areas of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region were called back. Actually, the situation in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region was relatively stable. After all, after the signing of the peace agreement between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, large-scale fighting in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region had ceased.

The Anti-Japanese War ended, but the War of Liberation had not yet broken out.

No one even knew if there would be a war in the future. Therefore, during this period, everyone was relatively relaxed and had more time. Those who received Wei Hongjun's orders were all important cadres working in the rural areas of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Border Region.

Chapter 647 Wei Hongjun's Problem

"Comrades, you are all experienced rural cadres with many years of experience in rural work. During the eight years of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, you were fearless of danger and hard work, and you did an outstanding job, with achievements that are obvious to all. The current development of our Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region is inseparable from your work in the countryside. You are familiar with the countryside and this land. The overall situation in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar base area is currently stable, so I have convened everyone for this Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Rural Work Conference to discuss theoretical issues concerning land reform.

The backbone of rural work in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region.

There are intellectuals, cadres of peasant origin, and cadres who have retired from the military.

But the characteristic is that they are all very familiar with rural work.

I have been working in rural areas for many years.

Wei Hongjun didn't make it look like a formal meeting; everyone just sat down and chatted. Wei Hongjun began, "As you all know, before the second KMT-CCP ​​collaboration, the rural policy we implemented in the Soviet areas was the 'land to the tiller' policy of land reform. You've all been involved in rural work for many years. Some of you even joined the Party during the Agrarian Revolution and participated in the construction of the Soviet areas. You all understand what land reform means."

The Anti-Japanese War is over, and the central government's rural policies will certainly be adjusted. So I have some questions I would like to discuss with you."

Wei Hongjun took out a small notebook from his pocket.

"First: After the land reform, the land belongs to individuals. But each family's situation is different. Some families have many strong laborers, are hardworking, have high farming skills, or are smart.

After years of hard work, they gradually became wealthy. However, some families, with few able-bodied workers and average farming skills, remained poor after a few years. They suddenly encountered difficulties and might need help.

At that point, they sold their farmland. After ten or twenty years, or perhaps even less, the same problems will reappear in rural areas. Some, through hard work, some through wisdom, some through fraud, and some through usury, quickly become wealthy again, becoming the new rural landlords. Meanwhile, those farmers who sold their farmland are reduced to poor farmhands once again. Do you think this is normal?

Wei Hongjun raised the first question.

We are all rural experts.

I've been through a lot. Hearing Wei Hongjun's question, everyone started to think. Soon someone raised their hand and said, "Secretary, I want to say a few words."

"Comrade Chen Tao, go ahead."

Wei Hongjun knew this cadre.

Because this cadre was a rural cadre from the Chadong Detachment. He was originally a middle school teacher in Chifeng. He joined the Eighth Route Army when Xia Houwen and his team established the Longyanchi base.

A young middle school teacher like him, a graduate of a normal university and in his twenties, was highly sought after, both within the Longyanchi County Party Committee and within the Chadong Detachment. As long as he was willing to join the Eighth Route Army and receive a little training, he could become a cadre. It wouldn't take long for him to become a company, battalion, or even regimental-level cadre.

But he refused the army's recruitment, he was interested in the Eighth Route Army's rent and interest reduction work.

The local government was naturally delighted to hear that such a educated and knowledgeable person was willing to devote himself to rural work. Unexpectedly, after immersing himself in the rent and interest reduction work, Chen Tao quickly became an outstanding rural cadre. He understood policy, applied it flexibly, and knew how to work in the countryside. As a result, he quickly stood out among the rural cadres in the Longyanchi base area. Because of his outstanding performance, when Li Shaocheng established the Rehe Rent and Interest Reduction Working Group, Chen Tao was appointed as one of the leaders of the group, earning Li Shaocheng's high praise.

"People are born with differences. These aren't differences in personality, but rather in individual ability. The most obvious is that some people are tall, some are short, some are strong, some are weak. Some are bright from childhood, while others are more honest and only know how to work hard. These individual differences are very obvious. When I was working on rent and interest reduction in the Longyanchi base, I carefully studied the history of the rural farmers there.

This is especially true for those who arrived here through the Western Expeditions. So many people went west back then, all reclaiming the same wasteland. While a small number became landlords during this journey, the majority became self-employed farmers or poor hired peasants. Hard work could make you a small landlord or even a rich peasant, but becoming a large landlord wasn't possible solely through hard work. Those who became large landlords in this area either lent money at high interest rates in the countryside, colluded with warlords and bandits, or, like Wu Shi, braved the bandits and gained the support of the local peasants. To become a large landlord through hard work alone was practically impossible. This shows that while we arrived at the same place at the same time, reclaiming wasteland together, our subsequent circumstances were completely different. Differences in ability have always existed. If we leave things alone after land reform, these differences will quickly become apparent. New landlords will emerge in the countryside—not just small and rich peasants, but also large landlords. Of course, the emergence of new poor hired peasants is also inevitable.

Chen Tao gave a very clear answer.

This may sound a bit inappropriate, but the reality is that individual differences among people are an undeniable objective fact. Some people are born with good health, while others are born with intelligence.

Starting from the same point, everyone's development will be completely different after a few years.

Even if everyone works hard, the situation will be different after a few years.

Because some people are born smarter and more capable than others.

They can quickly stand out among these people. Once they have accumulated their initial capital, their ambitions will grow, and they will no longer be satisfied with the normal growth of wealth. At that time, all kinds of usury and illegal money-making activities will reappear in the countryside.

"Secretary Wei, this doesn't matter whether it's normal or not. This is something that is bound to happen.

Another rural cadre, Liu Hao, spoke up.