Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Wei Hongjun's "Northeast China after the Anti-Japanese War" is divided into two parts: domestic and international. Wei Hongjun first talks about the domestic aspect: "Commander, after the Anti-Japanese War, no one can be sure of the direction of our country. The Chairman also said that there are two futures and two destinies. Once we go to war with Chiang Kai-shek, Northeast China will become a top priority. If we attach importance to Northeast China, Chiang Kai-shek will also attach importance to Northeast China. At that time, Chiang Kai-shek will inevitably send elite troops to Northeast China to compete with us for Northeast China. Chiang Kai-shek has the support of American aircraft and warships, and with the use of railways, he can greatly compensate for the distance problem. In other words, if we do not attach importance to Northeast China now and do not develop a base in Northeast China, then although we are very close to Northeast China, we may not be much faster than the Nationalist Army at that time."

"Do you think the Nationalist troops in the southwest can enter the Northeast in a short period of time?"

Marshal Nie asked Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

"Commander, we must not underestimate the U.S. military's transportation capabilities. I've recently been analyzing intelligence from the European and Pacific theaters. The U.S. industrial strength is so strong that it gives the U.S. military unparalleled mobilization capabilities. Their aircraft and warships are capable of transporting millions of troops across the ocean. If they help Chiang Kai-shek transport troops, then within two or three months, they can help him transport hundreds of thousands of troops to the Northeast. However, we have to rely on two legs to walk. If we enter the Northeast without preparation, we may face the Nationalist army equipped with American equipment. What will we do then? If we lose the upper hand in the Northeast and Chiang Kai-shek controls the Northeast, then if a battle breaks out, we will inevitably be at a disadvantage."

"So we must start paying attention to the Northeast from now on. The troops must enter the Northeast in advance and establish a solid base in the vast rural areas of the Northeast. Only in this way can we resist the attacks of the Nationalist troops. Even if we temporarily lose the major cities in the Northeast, we can still quickly organize troops to counterattack."

Marshal Nie nodded.

Marshal Nie also knew the importance of the Northeast, but he had never thought so far.

Yet, Wei Hongjun already had such clear ideas and plans for Northeast China. This further convinced Marshal Nie that Wei Hongjun was a cadre with strategic vision. Marshal Nie looked at Wei Hongjun's report and said, "Hongjun, your report has a domestic section, which is strategically clear. This section alone is already excellent. I think it's better to remove the international section."

"Commander, I think this part is the most urgent."

Wei Hongjun immediately said, "Commander, I know you're thinking about me. But this part really can't be removed. I've been reading historical materials from the late Qing Dynasty onwards and consulting with many scholars."

Let's talk about the Sino-Soviet War between Zhang Xueliang's Northeastern Army and the Soviet Union. It was caused by the issue of the Chinese Eastern Railway. Now, it's only a matter of time before the Allies defeat Germany on the European battlefield. Once Hitler is dealt with, the only thing left is to deal with the Japanese army. Will the Soviet Red Army attack the Japanese army at that time?

"I think so. The Soviet Far Eastern Army has been increasing its forces over the past two years. Once things in Europe are over, the Soviet Red Army will most likely send troops."

Marshal Nie nodded.

Marshal Nie was not sure about this.

Marshal Nie, however, believed a Soviet attack on the Japanese was highly likely. The Soviets and Japanese had clashed numerous times in their early years. Furthermore, Russia had lost the Russo-Japanese War, sacrificing significant interests in the Far East. With such a good opportunity now, the Soviets might not pass it up.

"Commander, please think about it again. If the Soviet Red Army attacks the Kwantung Army, will the Kwantung Army be able to stop the Soviet Army?

"Can't stop it."

"Yes. The current Kwantung Army is strong on the outside but weak on the inside. It appears to have hundreds of thousands of troops, and with the puppet Manchukuo Army and puppet police, it has nearly a million troops. But as the Japanese army continues to withdraw the main forces of the Kwantung Army south, the Kwantung Army no longer has any main forces. They are just newly formed security divisions, independent security teams, and independent garrison teams. How can they stop the Soviet army? Once the Soviet army attacks the Kwantung Army, the Kwantung Army will inevitably collapse in a short period of time. At that time, the Soviet army will move south along the Changchun Railway and fight to the Korean Peninsula. Commander, I don't mean to harm the Soviet Union. It's just that the Soviet Union has always had huge interests in the Far East. From Russia to the Soviet Union, they have always controlled the Changchun Railway to ensure their interests in the Far East.

The Soviet Union also lacked a good port in the Far East, especially an ice-free port. Dalian and Lushun in my country were the best naval bases. What if the Soviet army entered Northeast China and occupied Dalian and the Changchun Railway?

Marshal Nie's face was solemn.

He didn't even dare to think about this.

But Wei Hongjun actually started to think about this problem.

Was the Soviet Union overbearing?

overbearing.

Marshal Nie is very clear about this.

But this matter is really hard to say. If it were to be made public within the Party, who knows how much of a stir it would stir up. Putting aside the internal Party affairs, if this were to reach the Soviet Union, the situation would be even more dangerous.

Although Yan'an was somewhat dissatisfied with the Soviet Union, it never thought of breaking up with the Soviet Union.

After all, the Soviet Union was the first socialist country. It was the leader among socialist countries. Even if the revolution was victorious, New China would still need to rely on the Soviet Union in many areas.

Therefore, once the Soviet Union knew about Wei Hongjun's tests, it would definitely hold him accountable.

Can the central government withstand it?

Will they find a scapegoat for the sake of Sino-Soviet relations at that time?

These are all difficult things to say.

Wei Hongjun continued, "Even after the Soviet Red Army entered Northeast China, what if they didn't leave?"

"That shouldn't happen."

Marshal Nie shook his head.

Marshal Nie did not believe that the Soviet Union would stay in the Northeast. Wei Hongjun said: "Commander, even if the Soviet Red Army leaves the Northeast, what if they have conditions for leaving the Northeast? For the Soviet Union, our party is just a local force. Even if they want to negotiate, they will find Chiang Kai-shek, because the National Government is the central government recognized by the great powers. What if the Soviet Union negotiates with Chiang Kai-shek and withdraws from the Northeast in exchange for other interests? Moreover, even if the Soviet Army withdraws from the Northeast, what if it continues to control the Central and Eastern Railway and Dalian? Can we still expel the Soviet Union by force? Can we turn against the Soviet Union at this stage? When our revolution succeeds and a new China is established, we still have to negotiate with the Soviet Union to take back these rights. What price will we pay then? I don't want to be malicious against the Soviet Union, but I think we must prepare for the worst. Because if I were the leader of the Soviet Union, I would never easily give up the Far East interests I have already obtained."

"So what you mean is that before the Soviet Red Army enters the Northeast, we should enter the Northeast and open up a sufficient base?

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun pointed to the map and said, "I think the central government should pay attention to the Northeast. Not just pay attention to it, but should raise it to a strategic level. Because the Northeast is extremely important. With our own strength, it may take a lot of time to completely eliminate the Kwantung Army. But once the Soviet army attacks the Kwantung Army, it will collapse in an instant. We should take advantage of this opportunity and send troops to attack and capture the area south of Changchun. If we do this, we will be able to meet the Soviet army in Changchun, or if we move faster, we can even meet the Soviet Red Army in the Harbin area. In this way, we will block the Soviet army in the core area of ​​the Northeast. At that time, negotiations between us and the Soviet army will be much easier.

None of the things I was worried about would happen.”

Marshal Nie didn't say anything.

Wei Hongjun's idea was really too "earth-shattering" and "horrifying".

Many aspects of the report go beyond the current thinking of party cadres. This report is very hot.

Soviet Union, this is a very sensitive matter.

However, Wei Hongjun's concerns were quite reasonable. In his report, Wei even predicted the world situation after the end of the Anti-Japanese War. He believed that the current Allied forces were only established to defeat Japan and Germany. Once World War II ended, relations between the Soviet Union, Britain, and the United States would inevitably relapse into confrontation, as the two countries had completely different political systems.

It is a completely confrontational political system.

But once the Soviet Union and Britain and the United States fall into confrontation, a new challenge will arise for our diplomacy.

Where is China going?

Wei Hongjun wrote all these things into the report.

Overall, Marshal Nie believes this is a very good and forward-looking report. Although some of its content is not suitable for public release at this time, it still holds important reference value for decision-making within the Party.

Reasonable and well-founded.

We have begun to analyze the international situation from the domestic perspective.

Marshal Nie held the report and pondered how to handle it. After thinking for a while, he said, "Please polish the report, make it more detailed, and enrich the basis for your judgment."

This report is not a formal report. I am sending it to the Chairman in my personal capacity to see what he thinks.

For political reports, you need to go up level by level.

First, the report was discussed within the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee and then submitted to the Central Political Bureau. This series of events effectively made the report public. At this stage, it was not appropriate to release the report within the Party.

So Marshal Nie prepared to send someone to deliver it to the Chairman in a personal capacity.

Let’s see what the Chairman chooses.

"Yes."

Chapter 570 Secretariat Meeting

Marshal Nie finally decided to hand over Wei Hongjun's post-war Northeast report to the Chairman in his personal capacity.

After the capture of Jining and Guisui, the passage from Shanxi, Chahar, and Hebei to Yan'an was completely open. The flow of personnel, supplies, and documents became effortless. A few days later, the Chairman received this report.

The Chairman was surprised to receive the report. Marshal Nie had rarely submitted reports to the central leadership in his personal capacity since establishing the Jin-Cha-Ji base area. Whenever there was a matter, it was directly addressed to the Jin-Cha-Ji Politburo or the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region. In this respect, Marshal Nie demonstrated a strong sense of organization and discipline.

Among the current leaders of various bases, Marshal Nie is absolutely the first in terms of obedience, sex and organization.

Marshal Nie himself was a political cadre.

Therefore, we pay close attention to maintaining internal Party discipline. Reporting to the central leadership without going through the proper channels is generally not permitted. This approach is only used in extremely urgent cases.

It is precisely because the Chairman knows this that he is so shocked.

The Chairman was very curious to see what it was.

I was even more surprised after watching it.

This report is incredibly comprehensive, with its domestic and international sections discussed separately yet closely intertwined. It touches on the postwar struggles with Chiang Kai-shek, as well as the postwar changes in countries like the Soviet Union, Britain, and the United States. The views on the Soviet Union, in particular, diverge significantly from the current mainstream within the Party.

Although the Chairman launched a rectification movement within the Party and successfully convened the Seventh National Congress.

Overall, this completely broke the situation in which the CCP had been under the remote control of the Communist International, or rather the Soviet Union, since its founding. Furthermore, it theoretically repudiated the theoretical banner previously held high by those who had studied in the Soviet Union and those who were pro-Soviet. It resolved the problems that had arisen in the Party over the previous two decades and formulated a new Party line. From this point on, the CCP truly broke free from Soviet control and grew into an independent and autonomous organization.

But this does not mean that the Chinese Communist Party will turn against the Soviet Union.

Because the CCP still needed the support of the Soviet Union, so although Chairman Mao attacked the Soviet-educated faction, he never thought of directly turning against the Soviet Union.

There is still respect for the Soviet Union within the party.

Although Party cadres criticized the Soviet-educated faction, they were always criticizing their dogmatism and never mentioned the Soviet Union. This is just like how historically, when criticizing certain things, people would always criticize the ministers and save face for the emperor.

This is the attitude adopted towards those who studied in the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union was not wrong, but the Soviet-educated group was wrong. This would allow the CCP to break free from Soviet control while still giving the Soviet Union enough face.

However, Wei Hongjun did not take this into account in his report. In other words, Wei Hongjun regarded the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet Union as members of the great powers and used this to analyze the subsequent situation.

Very bold.

Wei Hongjun began his discussion by examining the Northeast China issue and even expanded it to the post-war world situation. He believed that the current alliance between Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union would also end with the end of the war.

By then, relations between Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union would have reverted to their pre-war hostility. Even as the Soviet Red Army pushed back against Germany, a large number of socialist countries might have emerged in Eastern Europe. This would inevitably lead to a surge in the power of socialism.

If this situation develops, relations between Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union will become even worse than before the war. This is because the world will have a socialist camp and a capitalist camp. The Soviet Union and the United States will become the leaders of their respective camps.

Wei Hongjun began his discussion of the world situation with the Northeast, then transitioned from there to the domestic situation, analyzing the impact of changes in the world situation on China. He initially focused on the Northeast, but ultimately explored a much broader range of issues.

The Chairman hardly slept the entire night.

Been thinking about it.

Chairman Mao had been pondering the issues raised in Wei Hongjun's report. After all, Japan's surrender was only a matter of time, and the future of postwar China was a key concern for Chairman Mao. Many of Chairman Mao's assessments echoed those in Wei Hongjun's report.

The Chairman has more to consider.

After the victory of the revolution, the relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and the CPSU, and the relationship between China and the Soviet Union.

However, the Chairman did not make such a clear judgment on the Northeast issue. For the Central Committee, the most important thing at the moment was to defeat the Japanese and puppet troops and take over most of North China. Then there was the post-war relationship with the Kuomintang.

So although the central government has some ideas about the Northeast, it does not yet have such a clear plan.

But Wei Hongjun already has a very clear plan.

Just like Chairman Mao's "On Protracted War," Wei Hongjun first analyzes the importance of the Northeast. He then reiterates its strategic position. He then analyzes the international and domestic situation, arguing that the Northeast will become increasingly important as the world situation changes. Not only does he express the importance of the Northeast from a macro perspective, but he also discusses how the Eighth Route Army should establish a base in the Northeast.

It is written in great detail.

After reading Wei Hongjun's report, the Chairman speculated on the postwar world situation and the postwar situation in Northeast China. The more he speculated, the more serious his expression grew. Because, as Wei Hongjun had said, Northeast China was likely to become a battlefield for postwar confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union. If we weren't careful, China would become the stage for the two countries' struggle.

After several days of thinking, the Chairman gradually formed a complete idea in his mind. Therefore, the Chairman decided to convene a meeting of the Central Secretariat.

That is the meeting of the five secretaries.

Everyone was asked to read Wei Hongjun's report. Several people carefully read Wei Hongjun's report, and no one spoke during the process. Even after finishing reading and putting the report down, no one spoke for a long time.

Because Wei Hongjun's report covered too many areas, the Chairman asked, "Boss, do you think Comrade Wei Hongjun's analysis of the post-war situation in Northeast China makes sense?"