Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Very complete.

"After the troops entered the city, there were many things to deal with, so I wasn't able to meet with you all right away. On behalf of the Military Control Commission, I want to say hello to everyone. I hope you can understand.

Wei Hongjun quickly arranged a meeting with the businessmen from the Chamber of Commerce.

Not many people came.

There were only six of them. All of them were among the most experienced and influential businessmen in Zhangjiakou. They were also the leaders of the currently reorganized Provisional Chamber of Commerce.

"Don't dare, don't dare."

"There are many things going on in the army, and we all know that."

Several people immediately became polite.

These people have seen a lot. Ever since the founding of the Republic of China, the world has always been an era where anyone with a gun can be a king. Merchants like them have always been afraid of warlords who wield guns.

Speaking of which, Wei Hongjun and his men also held the gun. They were all cautious in front of Wei Hongjun. However, there were still some brave ones. As soon as everyone sat down, they asked Wei Hongjun directly: "Director Wei, we have some questions for you."

Wei Hongjun knew the person who was speaking.

When they first entered, Gao Weinong had already introduced everyone to each other. Wei Hongjun had also reviewed the files of the six people he was meeting. The person speaking now was Dong Yan, 56, a former executive member of the Chahar-Zhangjiakou Chamber of Commerce. He was once a renowned businessman in Chahar, with his own caravan and extensive assets. His fellow executive members, Yu Pinqing and Han Guangsen, both became traitors. Yu Pinqing rose to become vice chairman of the puppet Mengjiang United Autonomous Government, while Han Guangsen became mayor of Zhangjiakou. Both were favored by the Japanese and had traveled to Japan with them several times. During the conquest of Zhangjiakou, both men were captured by the army. Their executions had been approved and were awaiting public trials. Had Dong Yan chosen to defect to the Japanese, he could have risen to high positions in the puppet government.

But he persisted and upheld his national integrity.

So, his situation hasn't been very good in recent years. He was once a major businessman in Zhangjiakou, but under the oppression of the Japanese and traitorous merchants, his business basically went bankrupt. However, this choice has earned him a good reputation among Zhangjiakou merchants.

Although many people now have more assets than him, everyone still recommends him to be the leader in this restructuring of the Chamber of Commerce and negotiations with the Eighth Route Army.

Wei Hongjun also respects people who can maintain their integrity.

In this chaotic era, facing the vicious Japanese, some rose up in resistance, some followed the crowd, and some even became traitors. Although Dong Yan did not rise up in resistance, at least he did not collude with the Japanese and puppet troops. For someone in Dong Yan's position, it is already rare that he was able to not surrender to the Japanese and maintain his integrity.

"Mr. Dong, I'm meeting with you all today to hear your ideas. I'm a military veteran, and this is my first time managing a major city. So I still have a lot to learn from you all. I hope you'll speak freely. We all have the same goal: to make Zhangjiakou a better place."

Dong Yan was actually quite surprised to see Wei Hongjun.

Wang Qiuyun and Wei Hongjun were notorious among the Japanese and puppet troops.

Everyone in Zhangjiakou knew about Wang Qiuyun and Wei Hongjun's reputation. Some ordinary people even mistook them for leaders of the Eighth Route Army, demonstrating their immense fame in Chahar. Dong Yan had initially assumed Wei Hongjun was just like the warlords he'd met before. He was surprisingly thin, short, and had a dark complexion. His clothes were clean, but patched throughout. He looked affable, not at all like a general commanding a vast army.

At first glance, everyone thought that the Eighth Route Army was indeed very poor.

A general of Wei Hongjun's level actually wears clothes with so many patches on them.

Dong Yan was not familiar with the Eighth Route Army or the Chinese Communist Party.

His understanding of them came from the propaganda of the Nationalist government and the Japanese puppet army. However, he had a good impression of the Eighth Route Army. This was because he had seen too many troops, and many of them had been stationed in Zhangjiakou since the late Qing Dynasty.

Since the end of the Qing Dynasty, they have had a deep feeling about the saying that soldiers and bandits are one family.

You can't even tell which are soldiers and which are bandits.

A unit that refrained from looting and robbing women was already considered to have excellent military discipline. However, petty theft, not paying for purchases or meals, and assaults were unavoidable. Bullying merchants and forcing them to pay for food was common. Some troops even detained the families of major merchants upon entering Zhangjiakou, forcing them to pay.

The same is true for the Japanese.

This time, however, when the Eighth Route Army attacked the city, nothing like this happened after they entered. The Eighth Route Army quickly stabilized the situation in Zhangjiakou. Even after the Eighth Route Army entered the city, even the hooligans on the streets did not dare to cause trouble. Occasionally, there were some who violated discipline, and the Eighth Route Army would quickly deal with them. The Eighth Route Army soldiers on the streets were dressed in rags. Many even looked dirty because they had not bathed. But even so, anyone who saw the Eighth Route Army would say that it was a disciplined army.

Not to mention stealing things and women, he is even polite when buying things.

All this gave Dong Yan a very good first impression of the Eighth Route Army.

After seeing Wei Hongjun today, Dong Yan's favorable impression of the Eighth Route Army increased a lot.

However, Dong Yan was still very worried about the policies of the Eighth Route Army.

But for the benefit of so many merchants in Zhangjiakou, he still had to stand up. So he asked directly, "Director Wei, I've heard about your party's policies. Your party aims to eliminate exploitation, which is why you used to beat the peasants and divide the land. I've heard that people like us are capitalists in your party and are destined to be overthrown. I want to ask, now that your party controls Zhangjiakou, how do you plan to treat people like us? How will you treat Zhangjiakou's businesses?"

Wei Hongjun listened to Dong Yan very carefully.

He also noted Dong Yan's question. Wei Hongjun knew it wasn't just Dong Yan's concern, but that of the entire Zhangjiakou merchant class. It might even become the concern of the entire Chinese bourgeoisie. Therefore, Wei Hongjun had to listen carefully to their questions and then provide answers to appease the Zhangjiakou bourgeoisie and the artisans.

Dong Yan was even more satisfied with Wei Hongjun's attitude. Compared to the officials he had come into contact with before, Wei Hongjun's attitude was really, really good.

This made Dong Yan's impression of the CCP much better.

Because if you want to understand a person, you have to understand his circle of friends. If his circle of friends is full of rogues, then this person is almost certainly not a good person.

The same is often true when getting to know a political party.

Many people know the CCP, but they do not understand its policies.

Instead, you learn about the CCP through the CCP members you know. For example, if you meet a CCP member who is a first-rate person, you will naturally develop a favorable impression of the CCP.

Dong Yan is in this mood now.

Wei Hongjun put down his pen and said, "I understand everyone's concerns. Our Party is a Marxist party, but it's also young. Furthermore, since launching its armed struggle, we've been fighting in the mountains and valleys for years. Therefore, we're still groping for answers on many issues, including how to manage cities, how to build cities, and how to develop the urban economy. These are relatively unfamiliar to our Party and present a challenge. Therefore, we're gradually refining some policies. I can't give you a definitive answer on this point. But one thing is clear: Zhangjiakou will undoubtedly play a crucial role in our Party's exploration of urban management. Zhangjiakou is the first major city under our Party's control. Both the Party Central Committee and many Party cadres will learn urban management in Zhangjiakou. Many of our Party's future policies will likely be informed by our experience managing Zhangjiakou. Therefore, your contributions will also be made to our Party's future urban policies. Therefore, I encourage you to share your ideas.

Let's work together to build and develop Zhangjiakou, and report our experience in urban management to the Party Central Committee. This will allow them to draw on our approach to managing Zhangjiakou to formulate policies tailored to urban development."

"As for Mr. Dong's question, I can answer it in a different way. Although we are the Communist Party of China and believe in it, this does not mean we must immediately implement it in China, as this would be inconsistent with objective conditions and not in line with Marxism. Our Party has its own highest and lowest programs. The highest program is to eliminate exploitation and realize the Communist Party. However, the lowest program is based on actual conditions and formulates policies and goals that are consistent with the current situation. Our Party's judgment of the current Chinese revolution is that it is a democratic revolution. However, because this revolution is not led by the Chinese bourgeoisie, but by the Communist Party of China, the proletariat, it is a new democratic revolution. This is what our Party, the Communist Party of China, has said. It has also stated that if a democratic revolution is to develop in economically backward China, a considerable degree of capitalist development is inevitable. Therefore, our Party's policy is not to confiscate the private property of other capitalists, nor to prohibit the development of capitalist production that "does not manipulate the livelihoods of the people." In other words, our Party encourages the development of private capitalism, as long as it does not affect or manipulate the livelihoods of the people, it is an object of our support and encouragement. This is the policy implemented by our Party based on our judgment that the current stage is a new democratic revolution."

"As early as the Red Army period, our Party encouraged the development of private industry and commerce. After the outbreak of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Party's policies in the base areas behind enemy lines also encouraged the development of industry and commerce. Last August, at a meeting on financial and economic issues held by our Party's Politburo, the CPC clearly stated that the principle of economic development at this stage was to primarily develop the private sector, with some development of the public sector. Just this February, the Central Committee issued a directive to all base areas on "How to Implement Land Policy Decisions," which stated: 'Our Party's current policy is primarily to reward capitalist production, while at the same time preserving certain rights of landlords.' Encouraged by this policy, there are now over 8 private textile factories, over 2 private handicraft workshops, and over 80 private oil mills in Jin-Cha-Ji."

"Therefore, before attacking Zhangjiakou, our Cha'nan Special Committee held a special discussion on Zhangjiakou's merchants and commercial issues. Our Military Control Commission does not oppose or suppress legitimate merchants and legitimate commercial activities in Zhangjiakou."

Dong Yan and several businessmen present felt a little relieved after listening to Wei Hongjun's words.

Although the Eighth Route Army did not have clear policy support.

But it didn't say to suppress them.

Even their documents contain a lot of content that encourages the development of industry and commerce.

This was enough for them. Over the years, countless warlords had come through here, wreaking havoc each time they arrived. They were already a household name. Seeing Wei Hongjun's attitude, Dong Yan grew bolder.

After exchanging glances with the others, Dong Yan said, "Director Wei, we're here this time not only to learn about the Military Control Commission's policies, but also to ask for its support on some matters."

Chapter 432 Planning Zhangjiakou Federation of Industry and Commerce

"Mr. Dong, please speak."

"Director Wei, we came here this time hoping that the Military Control Commission can make a decision for us. After the Japanese arrived, they didn't simply suppress us businessmen who were unwilling to work for the Japanese. The Japanese and those traitors joined forces to seize our factories. In addition to a few of us, many other businessmen's factories were seized by the Japanese and traitors. We would like to ask if the Military Control Commission can make a decision and return these industries that were seized by the Japanese and traitors to us.

Wei Hongjun didn't expect them to ask this question.

The Japanese looted countless things from China. Not only factories, but also land. Actually, this isn't a big deal.

After the war, the principle for things looted by the Japanese was to return them to their original owners. However, things were not that simple. Whether it was the Nationalist Army or the Eighth Route Army.

Many things were confiscated as assets of Japanese and traitors.

After the assets of the Japanese and traitors were confiscated, who would be willing to give them back? Even if Wei Hongjun had confiscated so many traitors' assets, he would still not be so happy to give them all back.

The Eighth Route Army is doing fine.

After all, after the end of the Anti-Japanese War, the Eighth Route Army didn't capture many cities. The only major city they captured was Zhangjiakou, which was still under a state of chaos. They also captured some county towns.

So there isn't much dispute in that regard.

If there was a dispute, it was over land. However, the Eighth Route Army was an expert in land revolution and had extensive experience in resolving land issues. Land seized by the Japanese was easily returned to its original owners.

But it’s different on the Kuomintang side.

Their takeover of major cities presented numerous problems. Unless they had strong backing and were powerful, who dared to seize their assets? Those who dared to confiscate the assets of traitors were either members of the military or the KMT. Even Chiang Kai-shek, in order to balance his generals and divide up the territories between various factions, could seize these territories. These individuals wielded considerable power, even engaging in violent clashes over the confiscation of traitors' property. Who dared to challenge them to claim these assets? If they provoked them, they would accuse you of treason and leave you unaware of your fate.

At that time, the power of the Kuomintang ministers was very great.

Whoever is called a traitor is a traitor.

Wei Hongjun did not give a direct answer.

Instead, he said, "I've made a note of this. After discussing it with others, I'll give you an answer. In principle, if any property was truly looted by the Japanese, puppet troops, or traitors, we will return it. But one thing must be made clear, and that is that these properties must have been looted. If anyone wants to take advantage of this opportunity and insists on asking the Military Control Commission for properties that don't belong to them, or wants to ask us for properties that were lost for other reasons, then they are maliciously defrauding public assets. Also, even if our Military Control Commission returns the properties that were embezzled by the Japanese and the traitors, it will only be those properties at most. Other things that were looted by the Japanese, puppet troops, and traitors, including gold and silver, are impossible to count, and we have no evidence. The Military Control Commission will not acknowledge them."

After hearing Wei Hongjun's words, several people breathed a sigh of relief.

Wei Hongjun smiled.

Wei Hongjun actually understood their thinking. Zhangjiakou used to be wealthy, with many wealthy businessmen owning their own businesses. But after the July 7 Incident, Zhangjiakou's merchants either sold their businesses and fled to Taiyuan, or defected to the Japanese and became traitors.

The industries that were plundered by the Japanese and traitors were mainly owned by big businessmen who did not leave Zhangjiakou.

That is the group of people represented by the people in front of us.

After receiving Wei Hongjun's reply, Dong Yan continued, "Director Wei, in recent years, the Japanese and the traitors have completely ignored the lives of the people of Zhangjiakou. They have imposed 77 types of taxes on our factories. Everyone's business is struggling, and many merchants have gone bankrupt because of the excessive taxes. On behalf of the vast majority of merchants in Zhangjiakou, I hope the Military Control Commission can change this situation."

Wei Hongjun was not surprised.

During the Long March, Wei Hongjun traveled across most of China, starting from Jiangxi. He witnessed countless things. The exorbitant taxes and levies during the Republic of China era were truly numerous.

That’s why there is a saying that the Kuomintang has more taxes and the Communist Party will have more.

There are a lot of taxes.

And taxes are added layer by layer.

There are all kinds of weird taxes. For example, Yang Sen collected the "feces tax" in the past, "There has never been a tax on feces since ancient times, and now there is only fart tax."

This is an ironic statement.

However, Wei Hongjun hadn't spent any time in a major city in recent years. If he were to be considered a major city, the most he could have been was Zunyi, which he conquered during the Long March. He just didn't expect a city like Zhangjiakou to have such high taxes.

Wei Hongjun didn't say anything, but looked at Gao Weinong.

Gao Weinong understood Wei Hongjun's intentions and immediately said, "Didn't we send you the 'Jin-Cha-Ji Border Region Unified Progressive Tax Regulations and the Implementation Details of the Jin-Cha-Yi Border Region Unified Progressive Tax Regulations'? Is this our Jin-Cha-Ji commercial tax?"

"Director Gao, this..." Dong Yan suddenly hesitated.

The person next to him muttered, "From the late Qing Dynasty until now, taxes have been quantified. But every agency collects taxes. That's how the so-called exorbitant taxes and levies came about."

Wei Hongjun laughed out loud on top.

These people were all very shrewd. Dong Yan didn't complain, letting others do the talking. That way, if anything went wrong, Dong Yan could mediate and speak in a positive light. There's no businessman without dishonesty, and there's no businessman without dishonesty. Those who become big businessmen are all cunning and scheming.

However, Wei Hongjun understood them. After all, to deal with a new regime, one must test the new regime's ideas.

Exorbitant taxes and levies, exorbitant taxes and levies, most of which are various taxes added up temporarily.

Wei Hongjun said, "I understand your concerns. On behalf of our Military Control Commission, I'm here to give you a guarantee. We in the Eighth Route Army keep our word, and our word is what we say. Since we in the Jin-Cha-Ji region have established tax regulations, we will collect taxes according to them. If we ever need to change our tax policy, we will officially announce the new regulations. The exact amount will be exactly what it is, and it will be clearly stated in the regulations. The exorbitant taxes you're worried about will absolutely not occur. When I return, I will issue a notice in the name of the Military Control Commission, prohibiting any department from demanding money from merchants under any pretext."

"Pa pa pa

"Director Wei, on behalf of all the merchants in Zhangjiakou, I would like to thank Director Wei, thank the Military Control Commission, and thank the Eighth Route Army." Dong Yan was very excited.

He was in his fifties and had seen so many places and so many warlords. But today was the most exciting. Although Wei Hongjun's promise was just a promise, and it was not known whether it would be carried out, it still made Dong Yan very excited.

The Eighth Route Army was more disciplined than any other army he had ever seen, and its cadres were more open-minded than any Republican officials he had ever met.