USSR 1991

"I know what to do, so it is similar to the August [-]th coup."

Lukyanov held the microphone. He was almost full of confidence in this secret plan. If successful, the general secretary would become a milestone in the history of the Soviet Union, and the shadow of the past would no longer be able to cover them.

Another voice coughed and completely agreed with Lukyanov's approach, "I think my dear Director of the Security Bureau at the Black Sea Villa can handle the KGB agents around General Secretary Yanayev, but it is the Moscow side that is the most annoying. The main point of people's headaches. I can let it go, but other people who hold great power may not, have you thought about what to do?"

Lukyanov quickly checked in his mind who he could mobilize. In the August [-]th coup, the Air Force was originally loyal to Gorbachev. Now there is still an opposing general secretary on the side of the Moscow Military Region. The disaffected, they are firmly on the side of the conservatives.

"We have a certain right to speak in the airborne troops. If we mobilize a special operations force of about 100 people to raid Moscow by helicopter cable drop, we still have a chance of winning. But the action must be fast, even faster than the August [-] coup. The key is not to control, but to disrupt order, so Master Dzerzhinsky is busy maintaining order and has no chance to talk to us."

He asked again, "What about Vladimir who holds great power? How should you deal with Akhromeyev? Have you considered all these? Not only Master Dzerzhinsky here, but also other The garrison, even if the airborne troops create chaos, under the oppression of other war machines, a hundred people are not enough for them to bite their teeth."

Lukyanov pondered for a while, and finally said after making up his mind, "Do you still remember how Comrade Khrushchev dealt with Beria back then?"

The person on the other end of the phone said, "Of course I know, he was arrested at Khrushchev's political meeting, and even Beria didn't expect him to miss that meeting, then arrested, executed, No sloppiness. Wait, are you going to do something at the meeting?"

"Yes, hands-on at the meeting, as long as Vladimir can't be a deterrent, Akhromeyev is nothing to fear. What kind of waves can an old man of seven or eighty years old make? We will be the only ones in Moscow The right to speak, the army does not obey our orders, who do they obey? Akhromeyev does not support us, who else can he support?"

The tone on the other side of the phone became hasty. It was a daring gambling game. If they made a wrong move, they would all die.But after getting the plan on the bed, Lukyanov believed that they had more than [-]% chance of winning.

"This plan is impossible. Back then Khrushchev had already won the support of Zhukov. You didn't even have the guarantee of the army. How could you resist them?"

Lukyanov didn't speak, but the other party woke up instantly.

"Could it be... don't you want to arrest Vladimir... but kill him directly?"

Chapter 957 It's All About You

Since Yanayev forced them to nowhere, the Slavs with simple and rough thinking adopted the most direct method, just like the method used by the general secretary on Gorbachev and Yeltsin, and started the coup d'état The first of its kind.Perhaps even Yanayev didn't realize that his original risky bet would become the target of some careerists with ulterior motives to imitate.

"Ahem, I don't think I can quit this dangerous game..."

The voice on the other side was full of helplessness. After knowing that Lukyanov was going to play a dangerous game, he could no longer stop the other party from continuing to play.Either pull the entire conservative faction to gamble on this game, or be entangled in the slowly tightening net and die.One is execution, the other is death reprieve.

"This is not a dangerous game, it's for our future. If Yanayev succeeds, many people in Moscow will die. No one wants to see those tragedies happen again. Someone must stand up and stop him!"

Lukyanov does not want to see the bloody situation in 1991 again. Many people are vested interest groups in Moscow. It is impossible to let them go. Either Yanayev used the most cruel means to push the forces that hinder reform to reshuffle. Either they drive Yanayev out of power, whatever the end result is, it will be a serious disaster for Moscow.

"I will make another arrangement for the specific situation. Don't reveal your identity for the time being...wait. After the news of the Black Sea vacation is confirmed, I will start to make arrangements immediately."

The coup d'état is a meticulous game. Lukyanov needs to consider the results of the reshuffle of interests. The young factions such as Vladimir and Surkov will be suppressed, and the elders will further consolidate their victory fruit.

When Lukyanov walked out of the room, his hands were trembling. No one knew that this man with his hat down was holding the secret to subvert the political situation in Moscow. He walked out of the hotel lobby and quickly disappeared. Among the crowds.

It was a calm day in Moscow.

General Secretary Yanayev walked out of the high red wall with great interest. The red domed building imprisoned him for so long that he forgot what color the outside world was like.

Politics and conspiracy are intertwined. He has been living in the very center of the vortex. All kinds of people appear around him with different purposes.

Vladimir's performance in Tbilisi, Ukraine, has won the applause of most of the veterans of the Politburo. No matter how hard they try to hold back outstanding young people, they can't stop the expansion ambitions of the young faction.Just as the rusty old battleships are destined to be replaced by aircraft carriers of the new era, there is no need for them to do small tricks behind the scenes.

Yanayev stood in front of Stalin's tomb, looking at the tombstone belonging to Stalin, followed by Vladimir.The middle-aged man behind couldn't understand why he chose to meet him here. There is no place more secure and confidential than the general secretary's office.

When he said this idea, Yanayev denied it, "Safe? No one will feel safe when there may be traitors lurking around, Comrade Vladimir, this quiet cemetery Safer than the Kremlin offices, because the only people who can hear your conversations with me are the dead."

Both the Lenin Mausoleum and the Tomb of Celebrities were temporarily closed to create a communication space for Yanayev.But the general secretary's words are more permeating than these tombstones.

"Have the conservatives moved?"

Vladimir said excitedly that he was glad that his plan had succeeded.

"The bait has been spread out, and I don't know what kind of fish they will catch. Now they are still circling around the bait, and I don't know whether to bite it down. These people will not take the bait until the most critical moment. We still need to Just keep pushing until they think they can't wait any longer."

The vacation in the Black Sea just created a condition, and the specific incentives have to wait for Yanayev to continue to force them until the other party thinks they are cornered, and they jump out.

Yanayev is not afraid of their rebellion at all. What he is afraid of is that the conservatives will not rebel. This is like a thorn in his chest, unable to shrink freedom.

"The Central Special Inspection Committee will continue to attack the conservatives. People standing next to them will be arrested one by one. They will naturally lose their composure. You are now the chairman of the Council of Ministers. If you arrest them in a meeting at the White House, you will It will have a greater impact on conservatives. Just imagine when we have become so unscrupulous that conservatives have no other choice but to jump out and launch a coup."

"They don't have an army."

Comrade Vladimir pointed out the key point, "Without the army, I really can't think of any capital they have for a coup? Could it be that they rely on a few people under their control to destroy hundreds of thousands of war machines in the opposing Soviet? We have victory The Erzhinsky Division, the Taman Rifle Division, and the Kantemirovka Division, they have nothing."

Yanayev lowered his head and smiled, as if mocking the naivety of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers.He touched the pen on the table and said thoughtfully, "If we take the most direct, simple and radical method, and chop off our heads before the army is mobilized, even if we have the combat effectiveness of several divisions It doesn't help. At that time, there will be only a few old men in the political situation in Moscow. What else can the army do except obey? Don't think about it, the old men who are concerned about the overall situation are Ahrome Yev will definitely not rashly adopt the form of conflict between the army and the government, because he does everything from the perspective of the overall situation. Even if Akhromeyev has the slightest selfishness, I will regard him as the last to guarantee the results of reform. A firewall, what a pity..."

Placing Akhromeyev in the position of field marshal also has a certain sense of compromise. He does not favor the conservatives, nor does he favor the young. Although he is friendly with Yanayev, it is more like acting as a The role of mediator.

"Next, pay close attention to Moscow's movements in the past few days. The time for them to take radical measures is not far away. When the time comes..."

Yanayev's hand lowered slowly, and he clenched his fist secretly. He had endured it for a long time. Originally, those people should have died with Ge Tutu eight years ago.

"Don't blame me for disregarding my feelings eight years ago and killing them all."

Chapter 958 It's Not Your Turn

Kiriyenko, an unlucky hapless guy, is on his way to the Ministerial Council. If there is a clear dividing line in life, then his political career and career before 1998 were all spring.A large number of officials in Moscow were brutally purged, and the young faction quickly ushered in the opportunity.They filled the vacant positions. For example, as the secretary of the Gorky State Committee of the Communist Youth League, he rose all the way to the position of deputy minister of the Ministry of Economy.

His success is inseparable from Lukyanov, Kiriyenko is also firmly on the side of the Minister of Organization, and Comrade Gaidar, Deputy Minister of Administration, is a staunch supporter of the Minister of Organization.

Since the Ukrainian workers' strike subsided, many people have felt that Moscow is not as peaceful as they imagined. It is a crumbling cage, and those who are marginalized can be involved in the political vortex at any time.They are panicking about the rise of another political force, which is as dazzling and unstoppable as the rising sun.

The new regime headed by Vladimir began to press the original conservative figures step by step. When the mayor of Moscow committed suicide, everyone in the conservatives was in danger.They were all worried that one day the loaded bullet would pierce through their own heads, and be crucified on the symbol of tempering more tragically than the crucified Jesus.

If you look up, except for Gaidar who is sitting across from you, the vast majority of people are members of the conservative faction. They are also looking at each other, not understanding the real purpose of this impromptu meeting.

In front of them is Vladimir, their common enemy, a man who keeps the conservatives at a loss.If Lukyanov did not speak, others would not cooperate with the chairman of the Council of Ministers sitting in the center.

The ministers sitting in the office were clearly divided into two groups.

"The meeting here today is mainly to discuss a few issues."

Vladimir's voice was drowsy, as if he didn't care about the other people in the conference hall at all, "It's like this, I think some of the ministers sitting here may not have met the previous requirements at all. They neither reported to their superiors work, and did not earnestly complete the assigned tasks. I must make serious criticism on this point."

Lukyanov didn't even bother to raise his head to look at Comrade Vladimir. He could hear that the other party was pointing fingers and cursing. Today's topic was directed at him, but what's the use of that?

The extra conservative member Vladimir can't command, and the head of the organization department is the backbone of this group of people.The chatter of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers has fallen on deaf ears.

"I know that some comrades here may sneer at what I said, and they may not listen to my opinion. But I want to emphasize one issue. This meeting is not an ordinary meeting."

Lukyanov finally felt a little interest in what Vladimir said. He raised his head and looked at the chairman of the Council of Ministers. He was puzzled by the confident attitude of the other party.

What exactly is this meeting trying to do?

"Originally, I was not responsible for some things. It would be better to leave it to the Discipline Inspection Committee. The chairman of the Soviet Supervisory Committee handed me a document. This document is very interesting, so I want to discuss it at this ministerial meeting Take it out and discuss it with everyone.”

"About the crimes of corruption and bribery committed by Deputy Minister of Economy Kiriyenko and Comrade Gaidar, Deputy Minister of Administration."

Many people cast their eyes on Kiriyenko and Gaidar, and the two of them also changed their expressions at the same time, as if they realized what Vladimir had done.