African Entrepreneurship Record

This also meant that any intelligence network originally established in Russia by any country was directly废掉(scrapped). After all, with a party like the Russian Labor Party coming to power, it would not only fail to re-employ the old bureaucrats like a traditional dynasty change, but would also indiscriminately suppress all beneficiaries under the former Tsarist Russian system, namely the nobles, bureaucrats, and capitalists.

Therefore, the establishment of the Labor Party regime is different from the bourgeoisie overthrowing the feudal regime, or the normal succession of feudal regimes. In the process of establishing the Labor Party regime, all old orders and old classes will be broken, and in this situation, the opportunities for ordinary people are also greater.

On the other hand, for example, during the succession of feudal dynasties, ordinary people also have opportunities to rise, but the original aristocratic families and local powerful families have even greater opportunities.

Therefore, Morin, the head of East African special agents, said: "In Russia, the original connections and relationship networks are directly scrapped, and they do not accept the nobles and bureaucrats who served under the former Tsarist Russian government or the bourgeois government for re-employment."

This is normal. Even if you want to collude with internal personnel in the army, you must have channels to do so. As the bottom line most valued by the national regime, the army has a narrow contact surface with society and is subject to strict supervision.

If the army of a country is completely infiltrated, then the regime of that country is not far from collapsing.

In fact, the Tsarist Russian government collapsed to a large extent because of this, and the reason why the Russian Labor Party was able to infiltrate the Tsarist Russian army was due to its ubiquitous ideological weapons and grassroots approach.

Of course, there is also a premise that is the internal corruption of the Russian army, as well as the negative impact caused by military failures. These experiences are also of reference significance to East African imperialist countries.

After all, the Labor Party, as a world-wide political party, is not unique to Russia. Ernst unceremoniously suspected that Labor Party members must have emerged in East Africa as well.

So, he instructed Morin: "With the advancement of imperial industrialization and the rise of the private economy, as the scale of workers continues to grow, conflicts between workers and entrepreneurs will inevitably occur frequently."

"And since our East Africa ended its isolationist policy, the possibility of European Labor Party members flowing into East Africa, and even Labor Party members spontaneously arising in East Africa, is extremely high. Therefore, you must conduct an investigation and report on the domestic situation."

"To avoid the government being caught off guard by Labor Party members in the future, especially pay attention to some strikes or abnormal activities in factories."

Since East Africa entered the era of market economy, the rise of private enterprises has also been accompanied by frequent increases in labor-capital contradictions. In the past planned economy era, because the wage differences were not large, there was no need to worry about this problem.

After all, under the planned economy, the vast majority of the bottom-level people were either collectively rich or collectively poor. Without a doubt, East Africa belonged to the latter. When everyone is not rich, it is actually the most carefree time.

And this so-called richness and poverty is naturally not a vertical comparison within East Africa, but a horizontal comparison with other countries of the same period.

East Africa's national income level has actually been in a state of neither high nor low. However, the further back you go, the more impoverished it must be. After all, wealth also needs time to accumulate.

In the era of the planned economy, the people of East Africa could only manage to get enough to eat and wear warmly. Of course, achieving this point in this era was already very remarkable.

After all, there is a saying called being hungry and cold, which shows that getting enough to eat and wear warmly was also a difficult task in ancient and modern times.

It is not surprising that the people of East Africa can manage to get enough food and clothing. In terms of agriculture, East Africa's agricultural output has been continuously improving. Even if the distribution is uneven, the lower limit is much higher than some traditional countries. And the so-called "warmth" is even simpler. As a tropical country, East Africa basically does not have people freezing to death due to lack of clothing.

The main natural problem faced by East Africa in the early days was only disease. Diseases are more prevalent in tropical regions. However, the threat of this drawback is far less than the former two. After all, East Africa's main terrain is dominated by plateaus, and tropical plateau areas are basically more suitable for living.

A typical example is the Mexican Plateau, the Brazilian Plateau, and the most brilliant ancient civilizations in South America, such as the Mayan civilization and the Inca civilization, which basically developed relying on tropical plateaus or mountains.

As everyone knows, the productivity level of the ancient Indians was obviously impossible to compare with today's East Africa. Therefore, there is no reason why even if East Africa is doing badly, the lower limit should be much higher than them.

Modern Africa is actually like an egg. The narrow plain areas along the coast are indeed like the tropical areas in people's impressions, not very suitable for living. But once you break through this eggshell and enter the interior of Africa, you have the conditions to rely on the good natural conditions in the interior to develop agriculture and nurture the population.

The reason why East Africa can rise in the African continent is because East Africa was the first political force to break through the coastal eggshell of Africa. After all, before East Africa, most of the coastal areas of Africa were already "owned".

However, the agricultural era has passed, and today East Africa is already an industrial power, and its ability to transform nature is also becoming stronger and stronger.

Now, what East Africa has to consider is how to configure suitable social systems and order after the level of productivity enters the industrialization level.

If this problem is not solved, then East Africa, as a monarchy, will not only face the problem of the emerging bourgeoisie vying for power, but also face the more ferocious Labor Party members.

The threat of the former, although generally weaker than the latter, must also be guarded against. After all, the French Revolution was not a joke. If the bourgeoisie becomes ruthless, they will also be merciless.

In order to cope with the social problems that must be addressed due to the improvement of productivity, Ernst has also made many configurations, trying to completely transform East Africa into a constitutional state before the end of this century. In this way, the rights and influence of the royal family in East Africa will become weaker and weaker, but it will also strengthen the protection of the rights and status of the royal family by the constitution. After all, the constitution is used to restrict the power of the government and guarantee the rights of citizens, and the royal family, in Ernst's understanding, is naturally also a part of the citizens.

In general, Ernst is not afraid of the bourgeoisie coming softly, but he is afraid of the Labor Party, especially the Labor Party in Russia that directly draws its knives. This is also why imperialist countries like to say that the Russian Labor Party does not play by the rules.

After all, the so-called rules and laws are formulated by beneficiaries of the old order like Ernst. If the Labor Party really abides by the rules, then their so-called promotion of social progress will not be possible. After all, the rules are "unchanging", and progress is "changing" in a good direction.

Of course, "change" is not always in a good direction. For example, the "change" in the late Soviet Union was in some ways not as good as "unchanging". However, they could not even achieve unchanging. The idea of the Leonid era was "unchanging", but in reality, it was taking steps to "retreat" significantly.

Anyway, looking at the problem dialectically, there are only two possible outcomes for the development of things. Any national leader, including Ernst, can only try to make the trend develop in a good direction as much as possible. However, this does not include the completely inhuman tyrants of the previous life.

For example, in the previous life, many "benevolent rulers" in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America had no concept of the nation-state at all. Their rise to power was solely for the purpose of "plundering as much as possible," without making any contributions to society.

Regarding Ernst's caution and concerns, Molin said, "Your Majesty, rest assured, it is actually not easy for the Labor Party members to gain momentum. The reason why the Russian Labor Party was able to succeed was because Russia had too many problems, and some operations by the Tsarist government infinitely amplified the opportunities for the Russian Labor Party."

"We in East Africa temporarily do not have such concerns. After all, our situation is much better than that of Tsarist Russia. In terms of development, only Germany, the United States, Japan, and us are at the same level."

Of course, what Molin was referring to was the national development situation in recent years. The common attribute of Germany, the United States, Japan, and East Africa is that all four countries are emerging industrial nations.

However, Germany's development has already begun to reach its peak. This corresponds to Germany having the highest degree of industrialization among the four countries. Therefore, the problem Germany faces is that further promoting the increase in industrial production capacity will have increasingly insignificant effects, unless Germany can obtain more markets.

But in this regard, Germany's conditions are even inferior to Japan's. After all, Japan's geographical environment is like a monkey becoming king in the absence of a tiger in the mountains. Its development in the region is currently far ahead of others, while East Africa and the United States have huge market volumes, and their error tolerance is much higher than that of countries like Germany.

Molin continued, "As long as there are no major economic problems leading to large-scale unemployment and poverty, the Labor Party will naturally be unable to grow in East Africa. Moreover, even if the situation really develops to this point, the possibility of the Labor Party succeeding is not high."

"Whether the Labor Party can succeed is like a chemical experiment, requiring the combined action of multiple chemical substances to trigger a chemical reaction."

Molin's analogy is very vivid. In this way, the conditions for Labor Parties in other countries to replicate the success model of the Russian Labor Party are essentially very harsh.

Of course, although Molin is confident, Ernst is not completely reassured. After all, the current global situation is that the first Labor Party regime has already emerged. The Russian Labor Party is like a catalyst, which can accelerate chemical reactions.

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In fact, after the success of the Soviet Union in its previous life, it led to a series of Labor Party countries in Eastern Europe and the Far East. As powerful as the United States, even with an ocean separating it from the Soviet Union, it suffered severe infiltration.

Therefore, Ernst certainly cannot take it lightly. He said to Molin, "Whether the enemy can succeed is not an excuse for us to relax. For genuine Labor Party organizations, especially Russian-type Labor Party organizations, it is better to kill a thousand by mistake than to let one go."

The reason why Ernst mentioned the word "genuine" is naturally because he believes that there are non-genuine Labor Parties, such as the British Labor Party, and the extreme nationalist parties established by Benito in Italy, Adolf in Germany, and Francisco in Spain in his previous life.

The latter three, in fact, look quite similar to the "Labor Party" to a large extent, especially some of their policies and guidelines. In fact, if the East African government were to be extreme, there would be no essential difference between them.

This can be seen from their background, namely, the economies of some capitalist countries with relatively strong feudal remnants, unsound democratic systems, or strong influence of nationalist traditions in the 20th century are most prone to arise during turbulent political situations.

East Africa perfectly meets most of the prerequisite conditions for the emergence of such extreme parties. The East African imperial system and aristocracy are products of the feudal era. The democratic system is only in the construction stage and is not yet sound. Moreover, East Africa promotes "Germanization," which is in line with the characteristics of countries where nationalism prevails. Only the turbulent political situation does not fit.

For "pseudo-Labor Parties," Ernst not only does not oppose them, but also supports them, and even does not rule out personally cultivating political groups similar to the British Labor Party, that is, parliamentary Labor Parties.

The reason for this is that in the 20th century, the rise of the Labor Party around the world is essentially a historical inevitability. Since it is impossible to avoid and eliminate this situation, it is better to play a "substitution" trick to control the risks.

After all, for the lower-level people in the 20th century, they also need a vent to vent their emotions, and the "pseudo-Labor Party" is a very good way.

For example, if the British Labor Party comes to power, it can give a large portion of the British people the illusion that Britain has become a "Labor Party country."

It is more difficult to prevent the people from speaking than to prevent a river from flowing. This kind of "pseudo-Labor Party" can also play a role in "de-mystification." To a certain extent, allowing East African people to come into contact with the "real Labor Party" can make them realize that the Labor Party is not a panacea.

The more Ernst thought about it, the more feasible it seemed. After all, to create this kind of fake "Labor Party," he could completely find trusted and reliable groups to implement it, such as letting a group of nobles and bureaucrats become the leaders of the East African fake Labor Party, and confront the Labor Party members who have truly infiltrated East Africa, which can divert their "traffic."

Moreover, this kind of fake Labor Party also has an advantage. After all, they can obtain East Africa's "official authorization," making it much easier to carry out activities than real Labor Party members. In this case, even if it is fake, it can become "real," and a black cat can become a "white" cat.

Not only that, East Africa has also engaged in "planned economy" before, and many people have personally experienced the era of "planned economy." To a certain extent, this also easily allows people to demystify the "Labor Party."

Furthermore, East Africa has not completely abandoned the "planned" economy up to now. The five-year plan is implemented every year. In this way, some East African nobles and bureaucrats can transform themselves into so-called "Labor Party" members, and even the royal family becoming Labor Party "supporters" is not impossible.

It can be said that Ernst's method is extremely vicious. This is like Nicholas II transforming himself into a Russian "Labor Party member." In reality, the two are completely unrelated.

Ernst temporarily suppressed these thoughts in his heart. He said to Molin, "In short, first investigate the specific development of domestic Labor Party members, especially whether organized Labor Party groups have been born in East Africa."

The Labor Party is not terrible, what is terrible is an organized and guiding Labor Party group. Molin also understands this principle, so he assured Ernst.

"Your Majesty, rest assured, if any Labor Party members dare to operate in East Africa, our National Security Bureau guarantees to nip them in the bud."

Ernst waved his hand and said, "No, don't startle the snake first. The specific situation needs to be investigated in detail. You must not reveal any flaws and attract the enemy's attention. We must combine the current situation of the empire to formulate appropriate methods. Therefore, before this, we must know ourselves and our enemy, so that we can win every battle."

"Labor Party members are very cunning. This can be seen from the Russian Labor Party. They are especially good at underground work. Once they discover our existence, it may make them more vigilant and strict."

"Moreover, how can you guarantee that there are no Russian Cheka mixed in among the East African Labor Party members! They are also masters at espionage, so we should be more cautious."