Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 99 Negotiations with Oman
Following Nowruz, all of Iran enters a state of jubilation as the most powerful tribes in their Shah and Abadan regions unite in marriage. Nationwide celebrations are held.

Such news at the start of the new year has, to some extent, boosted public confidence. At least for now, they are not vulnerable to attack from any country.

Omani envoy Salim bin Suweni is anything but happy, as Sudan has received news that Iran and Britain have reached an agreement to transfer their coastline in the Persian Gulf to Iran.

These coastlines are their land, so why should they be handed over? Isn't this going too far? They protested to the British consul in Zanzibar, but the protest was ignored.

Now the Sultan has sent him to negotiate with Iran to see if he can retain control of the region. But the hope is slim; since shifting their focus to Zanzibar, they have paid less attention to the lands along the Persian Gulf. As a result, the Persian Gulf population has gradually migrated to Zanzibar, and the population of towns like Muscat has sharply declined, which is detrimental to Oman's rule.

Because the Shah was newly married and had not seen any special envoys recently, Amir was put in charge of this matter. However, no matter what Salin said, the other side replied as agreed in the Anglo-Iranian negotiations, offering a maximum of 30 riyals in compensation to the Sultan.

“Your Excellency, isn’t your country being too domineering? These lands belong to the Sultan, and you want them with just a word? Moreover, 30 rials isn’t enough; you need at least 300 million.”

Upon hearing "300 million," Amir laughed on the spot. "You haven't governed this place properly since you took it over. Now look around, besides Muscat, which other town has a large population? Giving 30 rials is already the Shah's greatest act of mercy."

Salin was furious. "This is an insult to our country. The Sultan will not agree to this."

Unexpectedly, Amir immediately retorted: "He can only agree if he doesn't want to anger the British into dialogue."

It seems the Iranians are determined to take their land, so Salin has no choice but to pull out his Plan B.

"I hope you can consider the relationship between our two countries. Our country has a large fleet. And I've heard that your country has some trade dealings with Somalia..."

"Is this a threat?" Amir looked at the other party. Oman, a country with a population of less than 50, was threatening a country much larger than itself. Wasn't it just because of its geographical location? Did it really think it was invincible?

"You flatter me. I am only concerned about the future of both countries. Think about it, if Oman and your country were to go to war, it would definitely be a lose-lose situation. Moreover, your country is engaged in trade in the Somali region, and I think our two countries can cooperate."

Amir wonders if the other side is being incredibly naive, thinking they can use the guise of bilateral cooperation to retain the land. Besides, there's only so much land in the northern Persian Gulf; do you really think you can hold onto it?
“I think you haven’t noticed yet that your so-called land is now only inhabited by a few people. Even towns like Muscat have become desolate. Since you don’t want this place, then let Iran govern it.”

Salin was taken aback by the sudden change in circumstances; everything had been fine just moments ago, and now it had turned into this. While the Sultan hadn't promised complete protection, he at least needed to safeguard Muscat.

"Regarding this... well... for now, peace between the two countries must be the premise. Oman needs your country's assistance with its land, but I think specific issues still require lengthy consultations. This needs to take into account the local situation and the feelings of other countries, and then undergo a detailed investigation..." Amir was confused. But he still demanded that Oman hand over all the land along the Persian Gulf coast, and given that Britain was also involved, Salin had no choice but to agree.

Oman sold the entire northern Persian Gulf region to Iran for 30 riyals, while also agreeing to allow Iranians to trade in the Muscat and Zanzibar regions.

Salin knew this would enrage the Sultan, but what could he do? Besides, there was 30 riyals, which was some compensation. It was just a pity that he didn't get to see the Shah.

Amir watched the envoy leave and muttered, "Fool." Oman only dares to speak like that because of its advantageous geographical location; otherwise, Iran could have wiped it out.

Aside from the Shahs, Iranian investment in Somalia comes primarily from officials and nobles. The sugar shipped by these companies is in high demand in Iran, and cotton cultivation has also begun locally—two important export products—leading to increased investment in both sectors.

The company recruited 200 people from Iran to Somalia and found several wealthy local businessmen to act as intermediaries, together monopolizing the export of local cash crops. Farmers could only sell their produce through the company, which also bought local land at low prices. Although it seemed unreasonable, it was still an act of kindness compared to the direct plunder by Britain and France.

Besides, if the money they give you isn't enough, you can work in their workshops. They happen to be short-staffed in their workshops and plantations, so you can become long-term workers. The wages will be low, but don't mind.

Iran also has no shortage of wealthy people, mostly royalty, nobles, and tribal chiefs. They possess substantial funds, and Nasser al-Din, besides guiding some to invest in factories, also permitted others to trade in East Asia and East Africa. After all, trade expansion cannot rely solely on the government.

This year, the government's key projects include the shipyard at Bandar Abbas, the railway from Tehran to Isfahan, and the Mazandran textile mill. Meanwhile, construction on Iran's first true highway, the Tehran-Abadan highway, will also begin this year. This will facilitate local transportation and boost local trade.

The government recently approved a decision to expand the military industry, including building a third weapons factory in Isfahan and expanding production at existing factories in Tehran. Current production appears insufficient.

Meanwhile, some fortresses have begun to be built along the Russian-Iranian border. However, this is not being done openly, but rather under the guise of land reclamation. The Russian troops patrolling on the opposite side do not see anything wrong with it.

In reality, the Russian troops stationed in the South Caucasus only possessed considerable combat capability in the Kars region bordering the Ottoman Empire. In other areas, the Russian army was considered elite if they could even fire a gun. The truly elite troops were deployed to Europe, particularly the Transnistria and Crimea regions. Invading Ottoman territory from the Transnistria was a routine choice for the Russian army, a route also used during the Greek War of Independence.

As for Persia, they didn't take it seriously, and even after talk of reforms, things remained the same. Mahmud II of the Ottoman Empire implemented reforms for decades, but he was still defeated by the Russian army, and couldn't even defeat Ali of Egypt. Therefore, Persia must be in the same situation. Definitely.

(End of this chapter)