Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 93 The Power of the Caucasus

Chapter 93 The Power of the Caucasus
The funeral of the former Shah also provided an opportunity for discussions with other countries. Nasser al-Din met with envoys and monarchs from many countries, all eager to see how the new Shah would lead his country and whether they could continue to coexist peacefully.

Almost all countries were reassured; this new Shah didn't seem like someone who could cause trouble. The Russian ambassador even felt that this 17-year-old Shah needed the guidance of the Russian Tsar.

As a civilized nation, Russia had to guide those infidels onto the right path, but they never expected that the infidels were secretly preparing to attack them.

The leader of the Caucasian Imam State, Shamil, personally came to Tehran, and in 1834 he was elected the third Imam. Despite Russia's large-scale campaign against Shamil, it failed to completely eradicate his anti-Russian movement.

However, their strength was limited, and the loss of population coupled with Russia's economic blockade made them feel the crisis of national extinction. At this time, they learned that Iran was willing to lend a helping hand, and felt that they could use their strength to drive out Russia. So, taking advantage of the transition between the old and new regimes, Shamil personally came to discuss cooperation.

“Your Excellency Shah, Russian infidels are encroaching on our homeland. They are burning our houses, plundering our people, and destroying our farmland and pastures. We need support to drive them out of our homeland.”

Shamil denounced Russia's cruelty and shamelessness to Nasser al-Din and proposed cooperation with Iran. Nasser al-Din naturally agreed, but the specifics still needed to be discussed.

"The Russians are insatiable. We can cooperate, but I need the cooperation of all of you. If you can agree to my request, then there will be more aid."

Please speak.

Nasserdin then made his demands, including control over their markets, a ban on developing relations with other countries without Iran's permission, and converting them to Shia Islam. These demands were a bit too much, and Shamil's brow furrowed more and more as he listened.

"Shah, isn't this a bit too much?"

"I see. Actually, our ministers are also a little worried. It would be bad if you took our aid but chose the Ottomans instead."

This was actually Naser al-Din's concern, because the Ottoman Empire was still the supreme leader of the Sunnis. If Shia Iran aided them but then curried favor with the Ottoman Empire, they would ultimately be doing all the work for them.

"Please rest assured, Shah, we will remember Iran's help to us and will not side with either side."

That's hard to believe. There are very few neutral small countries in this era, and they are basically buffer zones between two major powers. So he has to make them completely side with Iran, even if it means binding them.

"Don't blame me for being skeptical. The situation is tense right now, and we have to be prepared for everything. Of course, the terms are negotiable."

Since the conditions are negotiable, the next step is the wrangling. Nasser al-Din has been planning this for a long time, because Russia seized half of the land in the South Caucasus from Iran (including vassal states). If we estimate that regaining Iran's territory in the Caucasus would require deploying more than 15 troops, a considerable burden for Iran.

This doesn't even include the people transporting supplies, which would cost a fortune. Furthermore, the Caspian coast needs to be defended against a Russian attack; fighting in those areas is incredibly expensive.

Therefore, if Chechens and Circassians were to serve as cannon fodder at the front, their losses would be less, just like the Solon people of the Qing Dynasty, who used blood taxes to exchange for loyalty.

"I hope you understand that your situation is quite dangerous, and the Ottomans cannot and will not be able to help you. Although I may be speaking harshly, this is the reality."

Having said that, Shamil must be aware of the situation. Russia and the Ottomans have fought several battles, with Russia winning more often than it loses. But Iran is in a similar position; it remains to be seen whether Russia will bet its entire fortune on it.

Nasser al-Din knew he couldn't pressure them too much, so he changed some of the terms. The two countries formed an alliance, with Iran providing them with weapons and other supplies, and Iran promising to recognize them immediately upon their independence.

That's all I can think of for now; specific modifications will depend on the situation. Moreover, not only the Imams of the Caucasus, but also the Circassians have elected a representative to discuss matters with Nasser al-Din.

Compared to the Imams, the Circassians were much easier to manage. The Imam's state at least resembled a nation-state, while the Circassians were simply a tribal confederation. They had very little bargaining power, so aid was crucial for them.

The agreement between Iran and them was quickly signed, including tariffs and Iran's agreement that the two countries would form an alliance and establish a government with Iran's help.

The Caucasus region is where Iran has invested the most resources; controlling it would mean controlling the vital east-west trade routes. Simultaneously, the annexation of the Caucasus was a key focus of Russia's southward expansion and a national policy of successive Tsars. This is because only by seizing the Caucasus could Russia establish control over the Black Sea and the Balkans, opening the gateway to Central Asia and the Indian Ocean, thus laying the foundation for expansion into these regions.

Peter the Great valued the trade routes from the Caucasus to India and Persia, hoping to change the direction of trade between Europe and the East via the Mediterranean, and to move eastward through the Caucasus and the Caspian Sea, making Persia, India, and eventually the whole of Asia a market for Russian goods.

Entering the 19th century, Tsarist Russia's expansion reached its peak, annexing Georgia and Azerbaijan in the Transcaucasus region starting in 1801. These two regions were far from Russia, isolated by the treacherous Caucasus Mountains. Thus, the vast empire's feet were separated from its body. Eager to unite the Transcaucasus with Russia, Russia made the conquest of the mountain peoples a crucial military and political task, brutally suppressing their resistance.

In 1816, the Tsar appointed General Yermolov as Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Army in the Caucasus. Upon assuming command, he changed the previous practice of simply sending out individual punitive expeditions, proposing a plan for the gradual conquest of the Caucasus. The core of this plan was the construction of military fortifications, from which a gradual advance would be made into the mountainous interior of Chechnya and Dagestan. He also ordered the opening of roads through the forests, declaring that for the pacification of the border regions, the axe was just as important as the rifle and bayonet.

Through its wars against Iran and the Ottoman Empire, Russia acquired vast territories, achieving victory through overwhelming military superiority and establishing its hegemonic position in the Caucasus region. To break free from Russian dominance and simultaneously secure access to Europe, the Caucasus region became a top priority for Iran.

(End of this chapter)

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