Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 89 St. Petersburg
St. Petersburg, the capital of the Russian Empire, became an important port city after Peter the Great moved the capital there. However, because St. Petersburg experiences a freezing period, rendering it unusable for several months, and Murmansk, a northern ice-free port, remained undeveloped, acquiring an ice-free port to the south became Russia's established goal.

Ottoman, Persian, whatever country it may be, they all belong to Russia. Great Russia is invincible.

As Russia's Foreign Minister, Karl Robert Nesterrodie formulated foreign policy for Tsar Nicholas I. He admired Metternich's Harmony in Europe and hated all revolutions, so when revolutions broke out across Europe in 1848, he urged the Tsar to send troops to suppress them.

"Your Majesty, we must send troops to help Austria, not only because of the alliance between the two countries, but also because if this trend spreads to our country, the consequences will be unimaginable."

Nicholas was well aware of the consequences of his actions. Just 22 years earlier, a group of young noble officers who had gone to France to study had planned to seize him, abolish serfdom, and some had even proposed establishing a republic. These Decembrists were truly rebellious. To prevent the spread of such ideas, he established a special office, with the Third Bureau specifically responsible for this matter.

“Now Hungary has started to riot, and they are even saying they want independence. We need to send troops to help our allies suppress them.”

By this time, riots had begun in Hungary. The sister cities of Buda and Pest were brightly lit, and groups of enthusiastic people roared in the streets, chanting "Long live freedom!" Flags embroidered with the name of freedom hung in the windows. As night fell, order and tranquility guarded the city. The National Guard raided several locations and arrested wanted criminals, vagrants, and robbers who had been trying to take advantage of the situation to commit crimes.

The twelve-point bill proposed by Hungary was passed by the legislature and approved by the royal family. Hungary has effectively become an independent country, with its relationship with Austria limited to the Archduke of Austria as a member of the royal family.

In this situation, Austria had no choice but to seek help from its ally, Russia. If Russia intervened, any revolutionaries would be crushed.

“That’s true, but we shouldn’t just focus on diplomacy. Domestic affairs are equally important. Citizens in the cities are demanding the development of trade, students and artists are asking us to abolish serfdom, but the nobles won’t allow it. What should we do?”

Finance Minister Ludwig stepped forward and stated that, as Finance Minister, he had to offer his advice on the future situation in Russia.

Following the Napoleonic Wars, Russia was in a dramatic economic and technological decline, at least compared to Britain and France. Many officials were hostile to any signs of free trade and industrial development, and within two generations, Russia had transformed from the largest iron producer and exporter into a country increasingly reliant on imports of Western manufactured goods.

In Russia, all new developments tended to be controlled by foreign businessmen and entrepreneurs, making Russia increasingly a supplier of raw materials to economically developed countries. Most new factories and industrial enterprises employed fewer than 16 people and operated as small workshops. The general lack of capital, low consumer demand, a small middle class, remoteness, harsh climate, and repressive government policies made the prospect of Russian industrial takeoff more difficult to achieve than anywhere else in Europe.

However, this ominous economic trend did not translate into a significant weakness in the Russian military. On the contrary, the general preference of the great powers for the old institutional structure after 1815 was more clearly seen in the social composition, weaponry, and tactics of their armies.

Still shrouded in the shadow of the French Revolution, nations were more concerned with the political and social reliability of their armies than with military reforms. Generals, no longer facing the test of major wars, were themselves highly conscious of hierarchy, obedience, and caution. These characteristics were amplified by Nicholas I's fascination with formal simplicity and large armies. A less obvious fact was that much of the Russian army was constantly tied down to domestic garrison duties, such as "police" operations in Poland and Finland, border patrols, and other military colonization activities. The remaining mobile forces were not particularly combat-ready. The army's leadership was poor, rife with infighting, and consistently failed to develop a cohesive and ambitious strategy.

This fully reflects the incompetence of the Tsarist government. There were very few trained mid-level officers, and even fewer reserves available for mobilization in a nationwide emergency, as the widespread adoption of short-service military service could lead to the collapse of serfdom. As a result, Russia's long-service army included many over-aged soldiers, making its combat effectiveness extremely poor.

“We’ll talk about these things later. What we need to talk about now is the suppression. If we let those rebels in Hungary and the German regions develop unchecked, one day their fire will reach Moscow and St. Petersburg.”

"This is also something I'm concerned about, but certain changes need to be made domestically in our country now. Otherwise, if a large-scale war breaks out in the future, it will be difficult to make changes later."

This greatly displeased Nicholas. Under his rule, serfs gained the freedom to engage in commerce and migrate from one landowner's estate to another. The serf population dropped to a historical low. He himself did not actually approve of serfdom: he had witnessed enough of the misery it brought, both in the army and throughout the country, and he was always concerned about the danger of popular uprisings. Moreover, when aristocratic privileges conflicted with national interests, he prioritized the national interest.

Despite the government's persistent concern about the serf issue, it ultimately did almost nothing. New laws or regulations that allowed landowners to decide whether to change the status of serfs were merely a continuation of the policies of the previous Tsar, Alexander the Great; though well-intentioned, they were fundamentally ineffective.

In foreign policy, Nicholas was committed to maintaining the old order. This was also the case during the 1830 revolutions, when he changed local laws by suppressing uprisings in Poland and forcefully implemented Russification policies, which led to rebellions by ethnic minorities in various regions.

"The most important thing now is to continue to observe the situation in Austria. If Emperor Ferdinand can maintain the status quo, then Russia will not need to intervene. There are still some riots in Warsaw. Tell the governor to suppress them as soon as possible, no matter what method is used, no matter how many people are killed, they must be suppressed."

Nikolai's biggest fear was that Poland, where his rule was unstable, would see another uprising, so he amassed a large army there, ready to suppress it at any time.

"Your Majesty, Persia has been somewhat unstable lately. They have begun to emulate the Ottomans in carrying out reforms, and we need to keep a close eye on them."

Nicholas didn't care about that. "Persia, a defeated foe. They'll surrender to us just like last time, as long as the great Russian army attacks. Let's look at the Ottomans now."

The Tsar's attitude toward the Ottoman Empire had long been influenced by his fundamental beliefs about legitimacy. His ultimate decision to partition the Ottoman Empire stemmed from his conviction that the Ottoman government could not survive in modern society, and that it was necessary for the major European powers to redistribute their property and power in the Balkans and the Near East in order to avoid chaos, revolution, and war.

(End of this chapter)