Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 670 Egypt
Of all the major projects, the railway network, the telegraph network, and the strait bridge will be prioritized. Therefore, the bank decided to invest in these three projects first.

The Ottoman Bank, in which Britain and France held shares, also wanted to get involved in these projects, but according to prevailing laws, economic entities with the participation of enemy countries were not allowed to make investments, so they were quickly turned down.

Meanwhile, calls for unification began to emerge within both the Ottoman Empire and Iran. War served as the perfect catalyst, and newspapers tirelessly promoted the idea of ​​jointly resisting foreign aggression. Nasser al-Din Shah's status as both Shah and Sultan was portrayed as a natural link between the two ancient civilizations.

It was filled with propaganda slogans such as "The Persian Lion and the Ottoman Crescent, together forging an immortal shield for the empire," and "From Nineveh to Constantinople, we belong to one great nation."

Moreover, the costs of war are enormous. A unified market, unified finance, and a unified system for allocating resources are far more efficient than the previous fragmented system. Merchants and factory owners discovered that breaking down old barriers and allowing goods, capital, and labor to flow freely within the broader empire could bring greater profits and room for development. They began to become strong advocates for economic integration.

Although some die-hard intellectuals and local forces attempted to obstruct the process, these were insignificant in the face of Russia. Iran also brought the Ottomans a strict police system and intelligence agencies; anyone who resisted the government during the war was imprisoned on charges of treason.

Calls for unification have also emerged in Cairo, the capital of Egypt, a situation Ismail Pasha is already accustomed to. According to a previous agreement reached with Baghdad: Egypt will be incorporated into the Empire, Ismail himself will receive a hereditary title and a seat in the Imperial Upper House; the Ali family's private property and territories will be fully recognized and protected; however, Egypt's defense, foreign affairs, customs, and major legal systems must be unified with the Empire.
In addition, Iran will provide Egypt with grants and tax exemptions, but only on the condition that Egypt obeys its demands.

For Ismail, this was the best he could negotiate under immense pressure. Heavy debt, the watchful eyes of Britain and France, and the looming threat of the rising power in the north had long made him realize that Egypt's era of independence was over. Rather than be colonized by Britain and France or destroyed in war, it was better to join this powerful, fellow Christian empire with dignity, at least preserving his family's status and most of their interests.

But the native Egyptian nobility thought differently, especially Umdia, a noble family composed of family members, confidants, high-ranking officials, and tribal sheikhs who had granted or sold large amounts of state-owned land during Ali's reign.

These large landowners formed the core of the emerging aristocratic class. They were not only political elites but also economic elites. The wealthiest among them owned thousands or even tens of thousands of feldspars.

In Egypt's rural and frontier regions, traditional power structures persist. Sheikhs are the heads of villages, tribal chiefs, or Bedouin leaders. They are responsible for managing local affairs, collecting taxes, and acting as a bridge between the central government and the local populace. Some powerful sheikhs have integrated into the national aristocratic system by acquiring land and titles.

In addition, some ancient families monopolize high-ranking religious positions at Al-Azhar University and major mosques throughout the country, such as the Grand Mufti and the elders of the Al-Azhar Grand Mosque. They wield enormous influence in the judiciary, education, and public opinion.

These people reacted immediately to the presence of Iran, knowing all about the various tactics Iran had employed over the past two decades. Landowners worried about the shrinking of their wealth after land reforms, religious figures feared the loss of their authority, and the sheikhs felt that Iran's new political system would completely overthrow them. Everything new terrified them, even demands from Mecca to submit to the rule of the Iranian Shah. Compared to their own property and interests, the words of the Holy Land seemed of little use.

When Ismail let the ministers in, they filed in, trying to stop Khedif from going to Baghdad.

“This is betrayal! This is blasphemy against the great achievements of Muhammad Ali!” Ahmed Pasha was the first to attack, his fat finger almost poking Ismail’s face. “We handed over our land, taxes, and army? Just for a hollow title of prince? Ismail, have you forgotten who gave you the power to rule Egypt? It was the support of our families!”

Ahmed Pasha owned tens of thousands of the most fertile lands in the Nile Delta, making him one of Egypt's largest landowners. His family had deep-rooted ties with the Ali dynasty and wielded immense influence.

Ismail Pasha was not angered. He merely coldly surveyed the crowd and slowly spoke: "Betrayal? Blasphemy? Then, I ask you all, where were you when the British warships blockaded Alexandria, and when the French consul pointed his finger at me demanding repayment of debt interest? When the imperial army in the north won successive victories in the Balkans and Caucasus, and its advance could turn south at any moment, what good strategies did you have to repel the enemy?"

Another minister said, “The Persians are coming. What will become of our rules? What use will our council of elders be? Are we to become like the Anatolian peasants, obeying the bureaucrats of Tehran or Constantinople? We will never accept that!”

The Grand Mufti's tone was relatively calm, but the content was far more lethal: "Your Excellency Pasha, religious law supersedes secular authority. We do not deny Naser al-Din Shah's authority, but Egypt's judiciary and education must be guided by us according to scripture and Islamic law. We cannot comply with Iran's secular legal code. This is a matter of principle."

Ismail turned to the Grand Mufti, his tone softening slightly: "Your Excellency, I also respect Islamic law. But you should know that even the holy cities of Mecca and Medina have voiced their support. Under the protection of a strong and unified empire, the faith might be better spread and protected, rather than becoming a tool for European missionaries and colonizers to covet and divide us, as it is now."

He stood up and delivered his final summary, his final warning: "Gentlemen, times have changed. Those who resist the tide will be swept away by it. The conditions offered by the Empire are the best solution we can obtain under the current circumstances. Accept them, and we can retain our status and some power, and gracefully integrate into the new order. Reject them..."

He didn't say anything more, but his cold gaze said it all. The meeting ended unhappily.

(End of this chapter)