Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 53 Religious Reformation and Personnel Selection
The capture of Qom had profound implications for Iran. First, it was the first major attack on the Shia urma since the Safavid dynasty. This not only damaged their prestige but also signified the secular government's beginning to control the religious sphere.

Then, because the attack resulted in the loss of a large number of scholars, Ulima's power was severely weakened, and the government had to support everything. This forced religion to depend on the government for survival, and this situation became even more pronounced when land was confiscated.

Nasser al-Din seized the opportunity to push through a religious reform bill, which stipulated that academic titles obtained by Shia clerics must be recognized by the government, otherwise they would not be considered legal.

To better govern the country, the government will establish a Shia cleric council, with participants including Hojat, Ayatollah, and Grand Ayatollah. The Grand Ayatollah will be elected from among the Ayatollahs and approved by the government. The number of Grand Ayatollahs will be strictly limited to between 5 and 12, and the government will select one from among the Grand Ayatollahs as the Fakih, a legal expert, to manage the Shia community nationwide.

The significance of this bill lies in bringing Shiites under government control. The government pays salaries to clerics, making them state civil servants. Simultaneously, the government can utilize Shiite missionaries to conduct more diplomatic activities.

Specific measures cannot be achieved overnight, but having a bill provides a blueprint, allowing us to proceed step by step.

But the capture of Qom was not the end; the rebellions in Isfahan and Mashhad continued. Government forces first marched south to attack Isfahan, and then turned back to attack Mashhad.

However, the asset seizure is underway, and the amount of wealth possessed by the clergy is staggering. The mosques in Qom, in particular, contain countless gold-plated artifacts. All of these have been confiscated, along with land, gold coins, books, and other valuables. They have also discovered items stored there over a century ago in rooms within the mosques, and there are still many. It is estimated that the haul from Qom will exceed 2000 million tomans.

Although Qom suffered some war damage, its religious city became their lifeline. Like Hindu temples, mosques became temporary treasuries for the wealth of nobles and merchants, though they never had the chance to reclaim them.

Ulima would never say anything more; this government was no pushover. Even the Grand Ayatollah was dead; they'd better just stay put.

The Ayatollah and religious scholars of Tabriz were forcibly summoned by Naser al-Din, along with the Báb and his followers, to the meeting. Although they didn't get along, it seemed they would need to work together for a while.

In Tehran, Nasser al-Din still faces financial and manpower problems. Iran needs to establish a civilian government to ensure the implementation of policies at the local level and to generate tax revenue.

Of course, the most important thing is to strengthen centralized power. The current Qajar dynasty still uses a territorial system, where local nobles and tribal chiefs challenge the king's authority within their territories, and tribal chiefs often refuse to provide soldiers and pay taxes to the king. Therefore, it is necessary to increase the government's control.

However, this rebellion also provided an opportunity for reform. Taking advantage of the support from other social classes for the government, Naser al-Din began to reform local government.

Using the strength of the new army and the results of the quelling of the rebellion, Iran began to be divided into two municipalities (Tehran and Isfahan) and 21 provinces. Most of these were extensions of the governorates; the royal governors readily relinquished power, and other governors, considering their own disadvantages compared to Tehran, also handed over their positions. They would travel to the capital for a banquet, while the local personnel would be selected through a process.

With more and more things to do, the government naturally faces a shortage of manpower, so it has to recruit from outside.

The world may lack all kinds of talent, but it will never lack those who aspire to be officials. In Iran, countless other children of noble families, unemployed at home, have been struggling to find opportunities and have slowly degenerated into parasites. Now that their opportunity has arrived, they naturally want to join the ruling class.

Don't assume that entry-level civil servants are no longer sought after; for other children from aristocratic families, finding a decent job is not easy.

Although they could support themselves with land rent, their prolific prolificness was undeniable. With each man having at least two wives, the birth rate was bound to soar.

There weren't many intellectuals these days; they were mostly nobles, wealthy merchants, and the middle class. Commoners were extremely rare, and even if Naserdin had one, he wouldn't dare use him.

Although Gulestan's edict stated that talent should be selected without being bound by convention, the loyalty of subordinates must be guaranteed first. As for ability, ordinary civil servants do not need to be highly capable; as long as their intelligence is above average and they can carry out orders from their superiors, they are competent.

Therefore, this time the selection will still be made from the children of noble families. Overall, the children of noble families are generally more capable, and they have also inherited some of the life experience from their parents, which is incomparable to the nouveau riche.

Therefore, Nasser al-Din decided to hold a nationwide civil service examination, but the eligibility criteria excluded most people. For example, applicants had to pass a social knowledge test and undergo a political vetting process (correct values, no record of inappropriate speech, and no criminal record for three generations of their ancestors).

If no privileged children receive special treatment and directly enter the second round, then this civil service exam is generally fair.

At least logically, the government's restrictions were somewhat justifiable. However, the release of these restrictions caused a public uproar.

Such blatant exclusionary conditions are seen by outsiders as a major step forward in the Iranian government's reforms, and have received high praise from public opinion. The British ambassador even called it a sign of Iran's progress towards civilization.

These measures can only provide temporary relief; true change will take a long time. However, what he is doing now has already surpassed what his grandfather, Crown Prince Abbas, accomplished.

Naserdin has been working non-stop from morning till night these past few days. Seeing this, Malik tried to persuade her son not to work so hard, but Naserdin didn't listen and continued working.

The exams were held in both Tehran and Tabriz, prioritizing proximity and allowing candidates ample preparation time. No one expected this semi-civilized country to suddenly hold a civil service exam, which attracted many applicants, especially given the ongoing war.

This also provides an upward mobility channel for other social classes. Parliament is not applicable now; let's focus on the civil service exam first. Even so, it has garnered considerable support for the government. They have accomplished what the Shahs could not do before: for the first time, Iran has achieved national unity, excluding the clergy.

(End of this chapter)