Persian Empire 1845

Chapter 16 Consultative Council

This unusual transfer order caused a huge uproar, as the governor's ruthlessness and unconventionality had become known throughout the country. Nomadic tribes and corrupt officials thought the governor was too cruel, while religious leaders felt he was too heretical.

Aside from the citizens, merchants, and a few enlightened landowners and scholars, the local upper class largely opposed the governor. However, given that it was the Shah's order, they lacked the power to resist. Therefore, they decided on non-violent non-cooperation, directly pressuring him to relinquish the governorship.

Of course, not everyone was prepared to do this; there would always be those who would secretly inform on others or follow the governor's orders.

Mazandaran, as the wealthiest region in Persia, has always possessed the most powerful landowning forces in the country. However, due to the Caspian Sea, it began to be infiltrated by Russia.

Russia traveled from Astrakhan, across the Caspian Sea, to Mazandran. There, it used its privileges to dump large quantities of goods and supported compradors in an attempt to control the local economy. The local governor colluded with the compradors, jointly oppressing the local people.

Governor Mazander was furious when he learned he had been dismissed from his post; he hadn't made enough money yet. Four million tomans—what could that possibly do?

The Governor of Gilan was slightly better off; he knew this was the Shah paving the way for the Crown Prince. Being a member of the Qajar royal family himself, he naturally stepped down.

Regardless, the Qajar royal family and the Shah's loyal supporters acknowledge Nasser al-Din's status. Whether the officials obey the governor's orders or refuse to cooperate depends on their own choices.

At this moment, all members of the council had arrived in the meeting room. Since the last bank protest, Ayatollah had brought his two scholars with him, fearing that the governor might come up with something else.

Amir watched as everyone arrived, then gestured to Nasser al-Din and began today's topic.

"Gentlemen, although Tabriz is currently prosperous, the road conditions restrict the flow of goods. The raw materials needed by factories cannot be transported in, and the produced goods cannot be transported out. This greatly hinders the further growth of income."

Fortunately, the British ambassador recommended a faster mode of transport: the railway. Once successfully built, it would greatly increase transport speed…

Before Amir could finish speaking, Mirza objected: "It's the British ambassador again. The last bank deal isn't over yet, and now there's the railway."

Amir said he was unaware of Ayatollah's complaints. "According to estimates, the total cost of building a railway from Tabriz to Ardabil would be about 150 million tomans."

Some people were shocked upon hearing the phone bill, but Amir said it didn't include the cost of subsequent maintenance. This drew opposition from scholars.

"This thing costs too much. Wouldn't it be better to use this money to improve people's lives?"

These words drew criticism from the others. They had all traveled to other countries and broadened their horizons, thus holding an open attitude towards new things.

“How can you call this a waste? Ayatollah, you can go to Istanbul and see for yourself. The ships there are bigger and faster than those in Hormuz. Moreover, the Russians, who were once behind us, have surpassed us and even seized Azerbaijan and Yerevan. If things don’t change, Persia will be destroyed by other countries.”

Hearing this, Mirza became unhappy. They hadn't said they opposed all change, just that the rapid and reckless adoption of Western ideas was against.

“Afghani, watch your words.” The other party clearly didn’t notice. “I will, but now is not the time for wrangling. Although Russia is eyeing Persian lands, the Ottomans want to make up for their losses in Europe here. Now that things have finally changed, we must not give up halfway.”

Mirza couldn't bear it any longer. He said to Afghani, "I understand your feelings, but aren't we also worried about the future of our country? But is it right for us to learn from the West so recklessly? Should we preserve our proud culture, our language, and our religion? Should we let them rule us?"

"How can you think like that? I did it so that the country would not be invaded by other countries."

"I did it all for this country..."

The discussion had started as a simple one about railway construction, but it suddenly veered off course. Nasserdin shook the bell on the table, but they hadn't stopped arguing.

"The current situation does not allow us to discuss anything else; we must become strong rapidly within twenty years."

"Ha, twenty years. You know the situation now. Putting everything else aside, orders need to be carried out. Do you have that many people?"

Mirza raised the most important question: no matter how good your orders are, they are just empty words if no one carries them out. He saw this crux of the matter, which is why he slowed down the pace of reform, at least to ensure the development of talent.

"Alright, alright, everyone, we didn't come here to argue. The Governor established the Advisory Council precisely to gather your opinions widely. Now, we're going to discuss the railway issue."

Amir's words brought everyone back to the original topic: the railway. Those represented by Afghani naturally agreed.

"Sir, I don't know much about railways, but I've heard some people in Istanbul talk about them. They're faster than horses, and if they're built, raw cotton and silk from Ardabil can be transported quickly to Tabriz, which would be a boon to local incomes."

Nasserdin nodded, but he still wanted to hear Mirza's opinion. The other man simply replied, "No money."

As Amir just mentioned, the cost of building the railway will exceed 200 million Tumans, which the Governor's Office simply cannot afford. He acknowledged that opening a bank is a good idea and has benefited the local people. However, starting another major project so soon after its initial phase is another heavy blow to the already fragile finances.

"So what I mean is, we can build, but we have to take it slow and everything has to be done within the bounds of tolerance."

This prudent suggestion was agreed upon by religious scholars, but others disagreed. Now, a swift and decisive action was needed to stimulate Persia with a strong stimulus, which would be the key to reviving the nation.

After all that talk, it seemed like he'd gotten nowhere, and Nasserdin was getting a headache. But this was just the kind of argument between conservatives and liberals, the essence of what later became known as parliament. He had indeed gained a lot of useful information: while the clergy didn't oppose his measures, they couldn't be too radical. The power of the urban and commercial classes was still too weak; they had a strong desire to save the country, but sometimes being too radical wasn't a good thing.

Naserdin adjourned Amir's meeting temporarily, as the railway proposal needed him to gain control of the other three provinces before it could be implemented.

(End of this chapter)