Wei School's Three Good Students

Chapter 97 Farming and Warfare: The Blood Rewards of the Civil Service System

Outside Fenxing City in the south, rice paddies stretch out, their ears of rice swaying in the wind. This represents a "high-tech industry" in southern Xinjiang.

The indigenous people are now transitioning from extensive gathering to agriculture. However, most chieftains are producing appalling results; one bushel of seeds yields only three bushels of grain. They don't weed the fields at all, nor are they willing to collect manure for composting—a truly laissez-faire approach to farming. Wu Fei remarked, "I put more effort into growing my own potted plants than they do!"

The farmers who migrated south from Da Yao were meticulous in their agricultural practices, carefully calculating how many seedlings to plant on how many acres of land.

Wu Fei also paid special attention to crops such as rice and millet. He also planned experimental fields to determine the compatibility of each crop with the soil and water conditions in southern Xinjiang.

For example, in the fields around Fenxing City, the following standards are followed: after planting 800 seedlings per mu (unit of land area), silt from the Southern Xinjiang River is buried between each seedling; and to ensure irrigation, huge waterwheels have been built along the river.

Twenty kilometers outside Fenxing City, a dam has directly blocked the river, raising the water level by thirty meters before it flows into various channels. Large waterwheels near some of the main canals creak and turn; these rotating wooden machines have a distinctly mechanical-punk style.

Farmers from the north, dressed in hemp cloth, carefully tended their contracted fields, swaying precariously along the ridges. To ward off snakes, they had cleared all the weeds from the field ridges.

This is the advanced agricultural technology brought by the new immigrants from the north, and it is also the reason why Wu Fei treated them well.

…System: Analyzing the "Agriculture and Warfare" Culture…

What exactly is the concept of agricultural technology? Back in the 21st century, when I was a university student, I could talk about technical concepts like "gene breeding" and "drip irrigation." But after actually working in a vegetable garden, I realized that agriculture, like other manufacturing industries, has two ends to its competitiveness: research and development innovation and grassroots implementation. Both are core competencies; lacking either one makes a team crippled.

In agriculture, however, it actually relies more on the execution capabilities at the grassroots level.

Once upon a time, when Eastern industry and technology lagged behind, their agricultural model was dismissively described as "labor-intensive input," as if it were "lowly manual labor."

Agriculture, simply put, is the "planned" control of the growth of organisms needed by humans; this is similar to sports in the 23rd century.

For example, Xuan Chong now conducts a standardized digital check on his physical activities every day; his concern for each piece of data is just like that of an elderly person in his previous life who would check their blood sugar, blood pressure, and calories burned during walks every day.

The system describes its vision for the future of human sports not through the use of technological drugs, but through increasingly planned investments. Similarly, in agricultural production, "precise planning and control" is preferred over "genetic regulation and fertilizer accumulation."

"Labor-intensive" is a crude term; "precise planning of the entire crop growth cycle" is a more accurate description.

Intensive farming is more advanced than slash-and-burn agriculture; the Saxon rotary plow and three-field rotation system in medieval Western Europe did not use a curved plow for intensive farming, nor did they cut weeds every day to ensure a favorable water level.

Even in modern times, when the East and West are on par in terms of seed, fertilizer, and agricultural machinery systems, Eastern agriculture far surpasses Western agriculture in terms of richness, diversity, and adaptability to terrain.

The European and American agricultural production system can only rely on the geographical advantage of the Great Plains region to produce raw materials; such agricultural production is extremely dependent on large markets, and high profits can only be achieved by crushing large-scale agriculture in other regions.

While all major sellers in the international market maintain their own large-scale agriculture, farmers in Europe and America can only maintain low prices and bear the high risk of market fluctuations.

The directive agricultural production habits passed down from the serf era by American farmers are at a generational gap with the spontaneous intensive farming habits of Eastern agricultural operators.

In the 20th century, Eastern agriculture was still in a state of low mechanization and low technology, and the advantages of the "Eastern agricultural management approach" could not be seen.

By the 21st century, agricultural workers in the East have also fully utilized various types of drones, electronically monitored greenhouses, automated sprinkler irrigation systems, and small agricultural machinery for mountainous areas, comprehensively reducing the physical labor required for these tasks.

American agriculture is stuck in a low-value-added supply chain, namely, supplying feed to livestock.

Looking back, the phrase "pulling up seedlings to help them grow" seems ridiculous in history, but it simply wouldn't have originated in serf-owning countries—who would intentionally pull up every single seedling? What it reflects is an agricultural experiment, a willingness to dedicate labor to each and every seedling, only to fail; success would have been a different story. Transplanting rice seedlings—the act of moving the seedlings out of the paddy field and then back into the paddy field—is a successful example.

The focus of technological development differs between the East and the West; "agriculture" is a key area of ​​focus for the East.

Xuan Chong: During the period from primitive society to slave society, the progress of productivity resulted in a certain amount of material surplus, which allowed some people to get rid of heavy physical labor and devote themselves to mental labor.

This part of mental labor specifically refers to the "planned" operation of those who are off-the-job in observing certain natural phenomena, such as looking at stars, rivers, and noticing changes in phenology, and then connecting them to production applications.

In the early stages of human civilization, the number of "technology explorers" that could be supported was limited. In the terms of a civilization game, each development stage had only a small number of technology points, which could only be selectively allocated.

Scholars of the Age of Exploration applied their "planning" to the observation of ocean currents and fish migrations; while Eastern civilizations applied their planning to agriculture.

Xuan Chong summarized the cultural system as follows: Therefore, if we want to highlight the advanced nature of agriculture, we cannot turn farmers into slaves. In the agricultural-military system, the status of self-cultivating farmers must be guaranteed.

Indeed, this was the case. Wu Fei would not reduce the Yao people from the north to slavery unless absolutely necessary; despite their repeated violations of the law, Wu Fei actually tried his best to favor them. Even in cases that were unavoidable, he tried to "open channels outside the law."

…the dividing line of neatly arranged rice seedlings…

On this day, Wu Fei was inspecting the farmland. The foremen of the public slave camps in the plantation, like junior cadres meeting a senior leader, began to introduce the prosperous achievements of the pioneering group, starting with the latest crop planting situation.

However, as he passed the slave laborers, Wu Fei overheard whispers by the roadside such as, "So this is the big shot," and "We'll get more food today." At that moment, Wu Fei's senses were superhuman; he could discern various contents from the conversation of twenty people, and he abruptly overheard the phrase "deceiving superiors and concealing the truth," a resentful remark.

Wu Xiaoque is indifferent to kind words, but she can definitely hear bad words clearly.

So Wu Fei stopped, thought for a moment, and instead of asking directly, he gave the slave masters a temporary instruction: if they wanted to hear what the slaves had to say, they should ask each one individually and have the slave masters bring the group over. Direct questioning would be too obvious; before the people were brought over, the lower and middle ranks of the group would retaliate, killing the person who sent the message instantly.

Wu Fei now shifts the focus to the monarch's dilemma: In human society, once someone reaches a certain high position, they need the tacit approval of their inner circle to see those below them. Otherwise, even if they specifically request to see people or things from the lower classes, the middle and upper echelons, feeling their interests are being harmed, will collectively cover it up. This is why the Ming Dynasty had to employ secret police agencies like the Embroidered Uniform Guard and eunuchs, and why the Qing Dynasty implemented the secret memorial system.

Two hours later, after a round of praise and flattery, Wu Fei encountered the "resentful" slave, a shaman. The fact that he wore an iron ring around his neck instead of tattoos proved this.

Wu Fei looked at him; after mechanically singing the praises, he offered no advice.

Wu Fei could only get straight to the point: "What were you complaining about just now?" Chen Si, whose name before he became a slave was Chen Shengxi, denied it outright after Wu Fei pointed it out.

Wu Fei: "Whether you talk or not, I'll transfer you out of here. If what you say is useful, the ring around your neck can be removed; if it's useless, you'll become a miner."

Chen Shengxi paused, then began to recount what he had learned at the lower levels. Wu Fei took a deep breath and learned about a serious corruption case that was unfolding at the lower levels.

To discuss corruption, we must first examine the vast public resources within the Southern Frontier General's Office system. After all, without public resources, corruption is impossible. Just as only powerful and large nations in later generations exhibit exaggerated corruption, smaller countries consistently rank high on international corruption perception indexes.

The resources of southern Xinjiang were public slave camps.

The rapid construction of Fenxing City relies on the "unified management of labor force". Compared with the villages in Dayaobei, the large farm system here can obtain these "labor forces" to do chores such as cleaning ditches almost for free.

In the northern part of Da Yao, a similar situation of "public labor" exists. Wheat ripens sequentially from west to east, and villages in various places must allocate their limited grain to hire migrant workers from other areas. Even if these villages suffer from disasters and their grain reserves run out, leading to a food shortage and potential starvation, they still need to hire people during the harvest season; otherwise, they cannot harvest the grain.

Under the Da Yao system, hiring migrant workers is a commercial activity, with recruitment handled by labor brokers; however, in southern Xinjiang, it is considered a public service.

In recent years, Wu Fei has paid close attention to the policies of public slave camps, fearing that the labor force would be abnormally lost. For example, epidemic prevention is something Wu Fei has emphasized every time. Slogans were painted on every mud wall with white lime. The water had to be boiled and the food could not be spoiled.

Under the general's orders, the managers of the slave camp were required to inspect the condition of the "men" (slaves) in the camp daily, with a level of oversight similar to how farmers could tell if their livestock had lost weight. This very order allowed the public slave owners to tacitly shirk 10% to 30% of their slave-using duties in different districts.

In Chen Shengxi's response, the leaders of the slave camp actually completed all these tasks! However, these leaders shifted the costs to the countryside and obtained a large amount of illicit income.

After hearing the details, Wu Fei nodded repeatedly. He had long heard that the slave camp administrators wielded immense power. According to the Investigation Division's report, Wu Fei knew that these officially appointed slave owners never lacked food and drink. To ensure a good harvest and sufficient labor, the immigrants in each district would offer money and treat these slave camp administrators to feasts. However, the exact amount received was not recorded.

Wu Fei obtained some precise estimates from Chen Shengxi and learned that what the people in the public slave camp did was not just "extorting agricultural villages in various areas by deducting labor power"; they also participated in the purchase of surplus grain.

Wu Fei looked at Chen Shengxi with great interest. "He's a slave in a situation where he has to depend on his master's mood to decide whether he's 'hunger' or 'full' at every meal, yet he's calculated the losses incurred by the management costs of those who employ slaves. What's that called in the 21st century? It's called a traitor to workers." He then asked him why he did that.

Chen Sheng said: "General, you use the slave camp to obtain taxes; if one day the tax source dries up, you will plunder it from outside, and then we will be driven to the battlefield."

Wu Fei looked at him with great admiration. A person who could see the big picture, who could transcend his own class, see the interests of other classes, and think about the connections and make balanced calculations—Wu Fei glanced at the collar around his neck. Clearly, such a knowledgeable person, who still retained his integrity as a slave, must have been an unlucky fellow who had previously escaped but was caught and reduced to slavery.

Wu Fei: "What do you think we should do? First of all, don't talk to me about benevolent governance. What I want is a high rate of land reclamation. More grain and a larger population will mean more taxes for the General's Mansion. If we can collect taxes, it will motivate the soldiers to fight. As long as these requirements are met, a reputation for benevolence is secondary to me. I don't object to you gaining a reputation for benevolence while meeting my requirements, but you must first do the job I've assigned you well."

Chen Shengxi: General, who are you? — He sensed that Wu Fei's questions were getting more in-depth.

Wu Fei picked up the small knife in his hand, his murderous aura gathering on the blade. He easily sliced ​​off the collar from the man's neck and said, "You're not a slave now, so let's not play the game of 'a scholar dies for one who understands him.' To be honest, I like you very much. You'll manage people for me. Think carefully about how you'll manage them and give me a report. Then I'll arrange for you to start working. Don't even think about escaping. If you're not useful to me, I'll kill you. Don't even think about slacking off. If you slack off, I'll beat you."

At this point, Wu Fei thought for a moment and gave an instruction: "I will give you five thousand silver leaves as start-up capital. If your plan exceeds the current situation, you can apply for it. Ten times or twenty times is fine."

Upon hearing this, Chen Shengxi bowed in accordance with the etiquette of a scholar.

Wu Fei, who was usually so unrestrained, was not as arrogant as he had been in his words. He also followed the example of a great monarch who treated his subordinates with respect and courtesy, and helped them up.

From then on, Chen Shengxi joined Wu Fei's ranks and began to help Wu Fei reform and improve the system for the lower-class laborers in the southern border and Lingnan regions. A civil service system with the same origin as the Da Yao system began to be built from this point on.

…Continue expanding on this in the workbook…

Wu Fei: "The military became a military government, and war logistics transformed from simple plundering into long-term management. As the operation grew larger, resource allocation became increasingly complex. With more and more important positions and nodes, the various 'blood-reward' positions and resources controlled by the military itself could no longer be simply distributed to the brave and courageous soldiers."

In Wu Fei's current labor remuneration system, blood remuneration and hardship remuneration are clearly distinguished.

In short, "hardship reward" refers to material economic compensation, such as bonuses and benefits. "Blood reward," on the other hand, focuses on rewards for social advancement, such as official positions or the qualification for oneself and one's direct descendants to enter management positions.

How can a group fairly promote its members? Or, how can we reduce the probability of opportunists climbing to the top? First of all, soldiers who take huge risks in war should be given priority in the rank sequence.

However, while those who fought bravely possessed virtue, they weren't necessarily talented in construction. Even though Wu Fei could be trained and mentored through "cadre night schools," the governance system in southern Xinjiang was becoming increasingly complex; it was no longer a colony but required long-term stability. The progress in water conservancy, artisans, agriculture, education, and other fields had already given the general's office a rudimentary structure resembling "civil servants, household registration, rites, public works, military affairs, and justice," with each category having increasingly more rules.
The knowledge required for these specialized bureaucratic areas is becoming increasingly professional and rigorous; without rigorous assessment and screening, one cannot be competent.

For example, the supervisors in military workshops must have sufficient "professional" skills. Those who have risen through the ranks in the military system by blood and sweat, no matter how "virtuous" they are, cannot be placed in these high-level social management positions.

The current administrators of public slave camps are exhibiting a mismatch between their abilities and their positions. These high-ranking positions are supposed to be highly paid, but now there's a situation where it's difficult to find suitable candidates. This mismatch between their abilities and their positions leads to significant waste.

History serves as a cautionary tale: during periods of peace and prosperity in Eastern dynasties, a large surplus of labor emerged that European feudal lords envied. However, the value created by this large population did not accumulate through "national public works" but was instead squandered by the equally massive bureaucratic system within the dynasty.

A large amount of the primary wealth, including people and land, was divided up internally, creating numerous powerful and wealthy families that remained hidden.

Wu Fei: "Within the civil service system, there is also a need for a fair and just mechanism for distributing 'blood labor' and 'blood reward.' This is the problem of the bureaucracy that has plagued Eastern dynasties for thousands of years."

Since the Han Dynasty, the long-term confrontation between the central government and powerful families has been, in Wu Fei's opinion, also highly risky. After more than a decade of accumulation, its intensity is no less than the short-term risks of battlefield confrontations.

When Wu Fei decided to use Chen Shengxi, he selected a group of people from his own circle to serve as a temporary replacement, and also gave him a number of official positions to recruit more people. However, Wu Fei could predict that he would most likely recruit people from aristocratic families.

Wu Fei sighed, "The Emperor has given me a title, so I have no choice but to give titles to my subordinates as well."

Social development is so complex. A model where one person is above everyone else, with only two classes—monarch and slave—cannot exist within a large country.

(End of this chapter)