My Portable Ming Dynasty

Chapter 433 A Preliminary Discussion on the Form of Government (Part 1)
"Master Li?"

Xu Shuli lacked political acumen and did not understand the meaning of Su Ze's memorial.

However, seeing Li Yiyuan's grim expression, he knew that this matter was of utmost importance.

The Zhongshu Menxia, ​​abbreviated as Zhongshu, also known as Zhengshitang, Dutang, Zhengfu, or Dongfu, was an official government office in ancient China. It was the place where prime ministers and deputy prime ministers handled government affairs during the Tang, Five Dynasties, and Song periods.

The five offices under the Secretariat were the standard layout for prime ministers during the Tang and Song dynasties.

This system originated with Zhang Yue, a famous prime minister in the Tang Dynasty. Zhang Yue set up five offices under the Secretariat-Chancellery: "Personnel, Privy Council, Military, Revenue, and Justice." These officials were all acting officials of the Hall of State Affairs, which was the prime minister's office.

They were responsible for liaising between the government affairs hall and various government offices on a daily basis, and assisting the prime minister in handling government affairs.

In the Ming Dynasty, this system evolved into the Secretariat, which became a secretariat assisting the cabinet in handling government affairs.

The Grand Secretariat of the Ming Dynasty was not legitimate in name or in substance. It was originally set up as the emperor's secretariat, and the Secretariat was the emperor's secretary's secretary. In terms of authority, it was just an official who handled documents and had a low status.

However, the Five Offices of the Secretariat during the Tang and Song dynasties were different.

During the Tang and Song dynasties, the prime minister was the true prime minister, and the five offices of the Secretariat were the "subordinate officials" of the prime minister.

Starting from the Han Dynasty, although the Chancellor's aide was an official subordinate to the Chancellor, he was a very important official in the court.

As the old saying goes:
"The Three Dukes are the emperor's right arms, and their subordinates are his mouthpiece."

After the Yuanfeng Reform of Emperor Shenzong of Song, an important leading body of Wang Anshi's reform was the Five Offices of the Secretariat, and the leader of the Five Offices of the Secretariat was the "Inspector of the Five Offices of the Secretariat", also known as the "Inspector of the Secretariat".

The Zhongshu Jianzheng official coordinates between the prime minister and the outer court, assists the prime minister in handling various professional affairs, and also has the authority to supervise various government offices. It can be said to be a very crucial position.

If Su Ze's previous use of the smallpox epidemic to transfer the "appointment and removal of officials below the seventh rank and the general affairs of the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers" to the Cabinet could be considered as skirting the law, then...

The request to establish the "Five Offices of the Secretariat and Chancellery" means that the cabinet is truly being elevated to the level of a political council!
If such a significant reform were to actually establish the five offices of the Secretariat and Chancellery within the cabinet, then the cabinet would have firmly established its leadership position over the external court institutions.

Then the cabinet ministers would be the real prime ministers!
Li Yiyuan thought about it for a moment and realized the immense pressure he would be facing!

The first step was to abolish the Central Secretariat, a decision made by Emperor Taizu Zhu Yuanzhang.

In order to abolish the power of the prime minister, Zhu Yuanzhang specifically instructed his descendants not to re-establish the Secretariat.

Your suggestion, Su Ze, to set up five more offices in the Secretariat is like calling back the spirit of the Secretariat.
According to ancestral rules, this would be opposed by many conservative officials.

Secondly, the establishment of the five offices of the Secretariat clearly defined the auxiliary organs of the Grand Secretariat, which meant that the Grand Secretariat had established its absolute leadership over the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers.

Are the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers truly willing to accept this?
The cabinet now wields great power, but that doesn't mean the faction of ministerial power will obediently submit.

Li Yiyuan put down the memorial and sighed deeply:
"Does Su Zilin think our Office of Transmission isn't busy enough?"

Immediately afterwards, Li Yiyuan tore down the "Nothing to Do Today" sign he had just pasted up and said to Xu Shuli:
“Su Zilin has repeatedly provoked the outer court. In the next few days, just wait for the impeachment documents to pile up in the Office of Transmission.”
-
As expected, after Su Ze's memorial was sent to the cabinet, the heads of the four cabinet ministers were buzzing.

Zhang Juzheng, Zhao Zhenji, and Yin Shidan all stared intently at Grand Secretary Gao Gong.

Gao Gong was a top politician. His expression remained unchanged, but his heart was filled with confusion!

He understood what his colleagues were thinking.

It was common knowledge throughout the court that Su Ze was his protégé.

As a disciple of a disciple, he wrote a letter requesting that the cabinet be given more power. Who was behind this?

Zhang Juzheng understood Gao Gong best; after all, the one who understands you best is always your opponent.

Zhang Juzheng felt that this was not Gao Gong's method, but more like Su Ze's, going it alone.
But did Gao Gong approve of Su Ze's memorial? If Gao Gong tacitly approved it, wouldn't that also represent Gao Gong's intentions?

Whether Gao Gong tacitly approved it or not, the nature of this matter would be different.

Given Gao Gong's political influence and prestige, coupled with his years in charge of the Ministry of Personnel, he might actually be able to push this matter to success.

Moreover, expanding the cabinet's power was also something Zhang Juzheng wanted.

The reason is simple: Gao Gong was twelve years older than Zhang Juzheng.

Zhang Juzheng is now the second-in-command of the cabinet. Even if he cannot defeat Gao Gong, he still has a chance to become the first-in-command.

Supporting Gao Gong's expansion of cabinet power now is simply to facilitate his own rule in the future.

On this point, regardless of their original stance, the four cabinet ministers were now in agreement.

If Gao Gong is truly determined to push this matter forward, then Zhang Juzheng wouldn't mind joining forces with him at this time.

Zhao Zhenji also stared intently at Gao Gong. He knew Su Ze well and, like Zhang Juzheng, wondered whether Gao Gong knew the truth or not.

Zhao Zhenji did not originally want to get involved in this matter, but he wanted to carry out military reforms, which were repeatedly thwarted by the Ministry of War.

The reason is quite simple: the cabinet of the Ming Dynasty was merely an advisory body in terms of its system. Cabinet ministers had no subordinates and had to push things forward on their own.

Zhao Zhenji's affairs weren't limited to the Ministry of War. When he was in the Ministry of War, the Ministry of War naturally didn't dare to openly defy him.

However, when he was not in the Ministry of War, the Ministry of War would not operate according to his wishes.

Zhao Zhenji didn't even have a capable person to supervise the affairs of the Ministry of War. Every time he made a suggestion, the Ministry of War would support it, but then it would be impossible to implement.

This was the dilemma faced by cabinet ministers in the Ming Dynasty.

The cabinet ministers of the Ming Dynasty did not have the same background as the prime ministers of the Tang and Song Dynasties, and it was impossible for them to do everything themselves. In the end, the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers had to handle the specific matters.

Those below outwardly comply but inwardly defy, or are lazy in their duties, and you, Grand Secretary, actually have little recourse.

Of course, cabinet ministers can allow censors to impeach inactive officials, form factions to make the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers obey them, or use their prestige to forcefully push things through.

But regardless, these are all off-field tactics.

The prime ministers of the Tang and Song dynasties were different. The five departments of the Secretariat and Chancellery could directly go to various government offices to supervise and even punish officials who failed to perform their duties.

If the will of the Secretariat and the Chancellery is implemented, control over the imperial court can be achieved.

Zhao Zhenji was also considering supporting Su Ze's memorial, but he also knew that this was a test of imperial power, so he was also watching Gao Gong's attitude.

Countless thoughts flashed through Gao Gong's mind: Zilin has really caused me a lot of trouble!
Gao Gong understood that no matter how he explained to the officials, they would not believe him, and everyone would think that he had instigated Su Ze to submit the memorial.

I'm afraid that by tomorrow, the memorials impeaching me will be piling up in the Office of Transmission.

However, upon closer examination, Gao Gong had to admit that Su Ze had seized the opportunity very well.

Now is indeed a good time to strengthen cabinet power, perhaps even a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity.

The emperor is mute, and the crown prince is young, so there is also the idea of ​​delegating power.

The cabinet was once again one of the most powerful in the Ming Dynasty, with the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers bowing their heads in submission, and few influential ministers dared to oppose it.

The Examination and Assessment Law controlled the Six Ministries, and the Censorate also had Hai Rui in charge.

With this in mind, Gao Gong decided to take responsibility and endorse Su Ze.

He said:
"Su Zilin's proposal is putting our cabinet in a very difficult position."

"I am willing to take responsibility and submit my resignation to Your Majesty."

Upon hearing this, the three people present understood Gao Gong's intention.

It is normal for cabinet ministers to submit their resignations after being impeached. Gao Gong took the lead in submitting his resignation so that the cabinet would resign as well.

If the entire cabinet resigns, the central government will be paralyzed, and the emperor will bear enormous pressure.

This is tantamount to Gao Gong using the collective resignation of the cabinet to put pressure on the emperor to approve Su Ze's memorial!
However, this is contingent on the cabinet collectively resigning.

Gao Gong looked at Zhang Juzheng.

Zhang Juzheng said without hesitation:

"If the Prime Minister resigns, I have no face to remain in the cabinet."

As expected, Zhang Juzheng chose to temporarily ally with Gao Gong on this matter.

The two then looked at Zhao Zhenji.

Zhao Zhenji hesitated for a moment, then nodded and said:

"I am not one to cling to power, and I will submit a petition to resign!"

After saying that, the three of them looked at Yin Shidan.

Yin Shidan glared at the three men and angrily said:

"You're forcing me to abdicate!" Gao Gong and Zhang Juzheng remained calm, while Zhao Zhenji also remained silent.

However, after Yin Shidan got angry, he quickly lowered his head again.

Su Ze submitted his memorial because of his resignation.

The outer court must believe that this was something they had discussed with Su Ze, and that they were acting in concert with Su Ze.

She hadn't done anything wrong, yet Su Ze had dragged her onto his pirate ship.

After his initial anger subsided, Yin Shidan calmed down and realized he had no other choice.

Of the four cabinet ministers present, he was the only one who had to resign.

Yin Shidan flicked his sleeve and said:

"After this matter is over, I will return to my hometown!"

As a member of the pro-emperor faction with a deep personal relationship with the emperor, Yin Shidan's morality made him feel that this was kicking someone when they were down, taking advantage of the emperor's serious illness to force the imperial power.

By this time, he had made up his mind to leave.

Gao Gong didn't care; after all, Yin Shidan was dismissed, and someone else could fill the position.

If the cabinet can stand together this time, Su Ze might actually be able to get things done.

However, Gao Gong had another worry in his heart—Hai Rui.

What was Hai Rui's attitude?

The Censorate controlled the channels of communication, and Hai Rui's prestige suppressed the Censorate in less than half a year.

If Hai Rui strongly opposes it, this matter will likely not be able to proceed.

Gao Gong then thought that Hai Rui was also considered a "Su Party member." Although Gao Gong did not believe that someone like Hai Rui would form a party, it was certain that he had a past relationship with Su Ze.

It all depends on how Su Ze persuades Hai Rui.
-
Inside the Censorate.

Hai Rui's official residence door was always open, a rule he followed after entering the Censorate. "Nothing is off-limits to others," Hai Rui said, keeping the door open when talking to guests, unafraid of being overheard by anyone.

The person who came to see Hai Rui's residence today is Su Ze.

"Greetings, Lord Hai."

Hai Rui advocated eliminating the trend of imitating ancient styles in politics and prohibited court officials from using ancient titles to address each other, which achieved good results.

Su Ze dared not call himself "Grand Censor," but the title "Vice Censor-in-Chief" was too difficult to use, so he simply addressed him as "Lord Hai."

Hai Rui looked at Su Ze and asked:

"Did Su Tongyi come because of your memorial?"

Su Ze cupped his hands in agreement.

Hai Rui looked at Su Ze and asked:

"I do not object to the establishment of the five offices of the Secretariat to clarify the powers of the cabinet."

Hearing this, Su Ze breathed a slight sigh of relief.

Hai Rui understood the greater good; the cabinet's power and responsibilities were not equal, making it impossible to effectively manage the Six Ministries and Nine Ministers' offices, which had been a long-standing problem for the Ming Dynasty.

Insightful people have long advocated for cabinet system reform, but the right opportunity has not yet presented itself.

The struggle between the cabinet and the ministerial level had occurred many times in the Ming Dynasty.

In the original timeline, the most intense power struggle between the cabinet and the ministerial level broke out during the Wanli era, exacerbating the antagonism in the court. In the end, the cabinet completely lost control of the court.

The Ming Dynasty has already crossed the threshold of industrialization and is about to face more new problems and challenges. Strengthening the central government's power is imperative.

Hai Rui looked at Su Ze and said:

"I know the character of the cabinet ministers. With them in charge of the cabinet, the government's policies will surely be implemented smoothly."

"But Su Tongyi, have you considered what would happen if Yan Song were in the cabinet?"

Su Ze asked:

"Does the Duke of Hai mean that he is worried that there is no one to check the power of the cabinet?"

Hai Rui nodded and said:

"Yan Song held absolute power, and the late emperor had problems with his personnel management, but in the end he was able to realize his mistakes and dismiss Yan Song's faction."

"But if the cabinet's power grows stronger every day, and Yan Song remains in the cabinet with his protégés and former officials all over the court, who can expel Yan's faction?"

Su Ze understood Hai Rui's political views.

Although Hai Rui criticized the emperor in his memorial on maintaining order, his criticism actually stemmed from deep regret and a hope that Jiajing Emperor could regain the wise and virtuous state he had when he first ascended the throne. To put it bluntly, he was "deeply in love with the emperor and therefore held him to high standards."

After Emperor Jiajing's death, Hai Rui was deeply grieved and even vomited blood from crying.

Hai Rui was a typical loyalist among civil officials and scholar-officials.

He hoped to persuade the emperor to become a wise and virtuous ruler, thereby achieving great order and prosperity for the world.

If others thought this way, Su Ze would probably think it was naive, as it was actually the same idea that many ordinary people held regarding the "upright and just government".

People all hope that the officials in charge of a region are upright and just, because when an upright official comes, good days will come.

The stories of upright officials sung in folk dramas, and the various scenes of people stopping the sedan chair to plead their grievances, are manifestations of this idea.

But Hai Rui himself was just that kind of person, a rare example of a morally impeccable upright official in history.

It seems reasonable for him to impose his own standards on the emperor.

Emperor Longqing did a good job during his reign, which is why Hai Rui raised his questions.

If the cabinet is completely rotten, then who will restrain it?

Su Ze was also somewhat confused about Hai Rui's situation.

Civil rights?

This is too vague and unrealistic in the Ming Dynasty. Besides, were those election farces in the original timeline really reliable?
Let's not even talk about the House of Nobles and the Senate; they've long been swept into the dustbin of history in China.

As for believing in checks and balances among officials, that's even more ridiculous; the end of dynasties is always accompanied by serious factional strife.

Su Ze himself was unable to give Hai Rui a perfect future.

But he knew it was too early to think about those things.

To carry out more profound reforms, it is necessary to strengthen the power of the cabinet.

This isn't a choice; it's something we have to do.

As for how to design the national system in the future, even Su Ze, who is a time traveler, can only take it one step at a time.

Su Ze said:

"The emperor's authority is supreme. The establishment of the five offices of the Secretariat is only for the cabinet to better administer the government and does not harm the national system."

Hai Rui understood Su Ze's meaning: strengthening the cabinet's authority was the only option now, and the future could only be dealt with one step at a time.

If it were merely the establishment of the Five Offices of the Secretariat, it would actually be within Hai Rui's tolerance range, simply adding a secretariat to the cabinet to enable it to administer better.

What Hai Rui was truly worried about was the cabinet's unlimited expansion of power, which would supersede imperial authority.

However, given the current state of thought and official structure in the Ming Dynasty, the cabinet is still far from reaching that point.

Hai Rui rarely smiled:
"There is even a future that Su Zilin cannot see through."

Hai Rui then said:

"I trust the Grand Secretaries, but I do not trust anyone else to serve as the Inspector of the Secretariat."

"I will submit a memorial to the court, requesting that Su Tong be appointed as the Inspector of the Secretariat."

(End of this chapter)