Rise of Empires: Spain.
Chapter 534 Peace Negotiation
Chapter 534 Peace Negotiation
Discussions about the internal situation in Russia quickly came to an end, and the French government was quite willing to intervene in the situation in Russia without deploying troops.
The discussion then shifted to peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary.
Ever since Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria-Hungary received a letter from Carlo urging him to surrender, he had summoned Austrian Chancellor Count Stefan Brian von Radjez on several occasions to discuss various possibilities regarding peace negotiations.
After extensive evaluation, Franz Joseph I finally agreed to Count Stefan Brian von Radjez's plan to save Austria and the imperial government by sacrificing Hungary.
The news that the Russian insurgents had stormed the Winter Palace and the Tsarist government did not deter Franz Joseph I and Count Stefan Brian von Radez from their desire to engage in peace negotiations with the Entente Powers.
After all, even if Russia withdrew from the war at this point, the situation facing Austria-Hungary would not be much better.
The main force that attacked Austria-Hungary was not Russia, but a joint force composed of Balkan countries such as Serbia and Romania, as well as major powers such as France, Spain, and Italy.
Russia's withdrawal from the war would allow Austria-Hungary to mobilize millions of troops from its borders, but could these millions of troops solve the predicament facing Austria-Hungary?
The answer is that it is far from enough.
The collapse of Russia might have been good news for the Allies, but not necessarily for Austria-Hungary. In fact, the collapse of Russia meant that the Balkan states no longer had any worries about their rear.
Romania and Serbia, driven by their respective territorial expansion, would undoubtedly attack Austria-Hungary at all costs. Italy, naturally, shared the same sentiment; as the only remaining Allied power in the Balkans, no other country could restrain its ambitions and expansion there.
France and Spain certainly wanted to weaken the Central Powers, which meant that the Allied offensive against Austria-Hungary would not stop after the collapse of Russia.
Given that Spain has not yet gone all out, and given the emerging trend of the United States joining the Entente Powers, Russia's collapse is not enough to change the current situation on the European battlefield.
Furthermore, given the already intense internal conflicts within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, rather than continuing to persist and gambling on the slim hope of victory, it would be better to turn back now and sacrificing a small portion of interests to regain most of the territory.
France and Italy were naturally aware of the Austro-Hungarian Empire's desire for peace negotiations.
From the French perspective, the French were still quite willing to engage in peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary. Austria-Hungary's withdrawal from the war would be a huge blow to the Central Powers, and perhaps Austria-Hungary would become the first country to formally withdraw from a world war.
Italy did not actually want to see Austria-Hungary withdraw from the war, since the results of initiating peace negotiations and forcing Austria-Hungary to do so were completely different.
Despite Austria-Hungary's current concessions and entry into peace negotiations, its military strength still exceeds one million men, which is the source of its confidence in the peace talks.
The Italian government's original idea of dismantling the Austro-Hungarian Empire was simply impossible. If France and Spain did not support Italy, Italy would not even be able to acquire the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Although Italy was unwilling for Austria-Hungary to initiate peace negotiations, the development of the situation was clearly not up to the Italian government.
Italy did not gain the initiative on the front lines, which also meant that Italy had little say in the peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary.
Whether to engage in peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary, and how to deal with Austria-Hungary, was primarily a matter for France and Spain to decide.
The meeting held at the Royal Palace in Madrid actually confirmed this view.
Although ostensibly a three-way meeting between France, Spain, and Italy, when the topic of peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary came up, it became clear that the conversation was primarily driven by the attitudes of the Spanish and French governments.
The French government was still quite willing to engage in peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary, since France could not gain anything more from Austria-Hungary if the war continued.
France and Austria-Hungary did not share a border, and Austria-Hungary had no colonies. Apart from war reparations and a portion of its territory, Austria-Hungary had little else to offer as compensation.
However, before engaging in peace negotiations with Austria-Hungary, the French government wanted to ascertain whether Austria-Hungary's peace negotiations were genuine.
Although on the surface it seemed that Austria-Hungary had no need to continue the conflict, as the saying goes, you can know a person's face but not their heart, and no one knew whether Austria-Hungary's so-called peace negotiations were a conspiracy by Germany.
To demonstrate their sincerity in the peace negotiations, both sides will certainly cease fighting on the front lines during the negotiations.
This wouldn't normally be anything unusual and wouldn't raise any alarm in France. The problem is, Russia is now on the verge of collapse, and the Allies have millions of troops at their disposal on the Eastern Front.
If the Central Powers were to take a desperate gamble and frantically mobilize millions of troops to march south into the Balkans during the period of peace negotiations between Austria-Hungary and the Entente Powers, it would certainly have a tremendous impact on the situation in the Balkans.
Although this is only one possibility, the French government still has to be cautious given the potential impact of such a situation.
Before coming to Spain, French Prime Minister Aristide Briand had a lengthy discussion with the president about this matter.
After Carlo mentioned the peace talks with Austria-Hungary, Aristide Briand also raised the French government's concerns, hoping that Spain could provide more guarantees.
Admittedly, the French concerns were quite reasonable. It was impossible for Carlo to fully trust the Austro-Hungarian government simply because of his good relationship with the Austro-Hungarian royal family.
After a moment's thought, Carlo offered a solution: "According to our agreement with the Balkan countries such as Romania and Serbia, Austria-Hungary will certainly lose a large amount of territory after this war ends."
The main part of this involves the Hungarian region, with Transylvania and Slavonia to be ceded to Romania and Serbia respectively.
Since the loss of these territories is inevitable, I believe that if Austria-Hungary is sincere, it would not mind if we launched an attack on these territories during the peace negotiations.
As long as we can control these lands during the peace negotiations, even if unexpected events occur during the negotiations, it will be acceptable to us.
Carlo's solution was to continue the offensive during peace negotiations. This was certainly not good news for Austria-Hungary, but if Austria-Hungary was sincere in its negotiations, they would likely accept it.
This was also a reminder to Austria-Hungary that the Entente Powers now held the upper hand, and that peace negotiations were initiated by Austria-Hungary, not requested by the Entente Powers.
Upon hearing Carlo's solution, French Prime Minister Aristide Briand nodded, indicating his optimism about it.
Not ceasing the offensive would indeed effectively resolve the concerns of both sides. Even if the Austro-Hungarian peace negotiations were merely a conspiracy by the Central Powers, the Entente Powers would not suffer any losses during this period.
Romania and Serbia, having acquired Transylvania and Slavonia, would undoubtedly have even more incentive to attack Austria-Hungary.
If the peace negotiations turn out to be a conspiracy, the Allied Powers can maintain their existing advantages and continue to fight the Central Powers to the death.
Upon hearing that the offensive could continue during the peace negotiations, Italian Prime Minister Antonio Sarandella showed considerable interest and said with a smile, "That's an excellent suggestion, Your Majesty Carlo."
Even if the Austro-Hungarian peace negotiations were just a conspiracy, as long as we achieved our goals during the peace negotiations, the Austro-Hungarian Empire would have no choice but to engage in genuine peace negotiations with us.
As for the German troops that might support Austria-Hungary, the Italian army would play a crucial role in helping our allies Romania and Serbia fight against them.
Italian Prime Minister Antonio Sarandra's excitement stemmed from his perception of an opportunity for Italy to gain more benefits.
Italy could continue its offensive against Austria during peace negotiations. If the Italian army could achieve some results, the Italian government could naturally demand more compensation during the peace negotiations.
Serbia won Slavonia, Romania won Transylvania, so it wouldn't be unreasonable for Italy to win Croatia, right?
Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire would lose a large amount of territory, the most valuable parts of Austria and Bohemia were preserved. These two regions were the industrial heart of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, ensuring that Austria would remain a powerful European nation even after the cession of territory.
Given Italian Prime Minister Antonio Sarandra's proactive approach, Carlos and French Prime Minister Aristide Briand naturally understood the Italian government's intentions. Although they had some doubts about the Italian army's fighting capabilities and didn't think it could achieve anything during the peace negotiations between the Allies and Austria-Hungary.
However, for Spain and France, Italy's initiative might not necessarily be a bad thing. The Allied powers' vigorous attack on Austria-Hungary could also make Austria-Hungary feel a sense of urgency, thereby accelerating the progress of peace negotiations with the Allies.
As for Italy, if it can achieve some results during the peace negotiations, Spain and France will naturally not refuse Italy the opportunity to acquire more land.
But if the Italian army gains nothing, then they can't blame Spain and France for not allowing Italy to acquire more land. After all, the distribution of spoils depends on the strength and influence of each party.
Even if the Italian government is ambitious, it must demand commensurate compensation based on the combat effectiveness of its army and its actual contributions in the war.
As the talks progressed, Spain, France, and Italy each determined their own solutions for dealing with Austria-Hungary.
The territories that Austria-Hungary is currently confirmed to cede are Transylvania, Slavonia, northern South Tyrol, Trieste, and Dalmatia.
Spain and France had little interest in the Austro-Hungarian Empire's territory, so they reached an agreement with the Italian government.
The Italian government received northern South Tyrol, Trieste, and Dalmatia, and relinquished war reparations and other compensation from Austria-Hungary.
These reparations and other compensations were divided between France and Spain, and the future handling of other regions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was also largely determined by the attitudes of Spain and France.
In fact, according to the original Allied Powers agreement, Galicia in northern Hungary was to be ceded to Russia.
However, Russia is currently in turmoil, so there is no need to cede these lands to Russia. Unless a bourgeois-controlled Russian government can take control of the lands surrounding Galicia, the region will either become independent or remain part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Although a large amount of land would be taken from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the main structure of the empire could still be preserved under this distribution method.
This could be seen as a return to the late Emperor Franz Joseph I. In the early years of Carlos's reign as King of Spain, Franz Joseph I provided him with considerable support.
Unless absolutely necessary, Carlo was unwilling to break ties with the Austrian royal family. After all, her queen was of Austrian royal lineage, and barring any major conflicts of interest, they were essentially family.
Furthermore, if the core of the Austro-Hungarian Empire could continue to exist, it would be good news for the future Second World War.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire continued to stand in southern Germany, and the future Third Reich would have to defeat it first if it wanted to rise.
Although the Austro-Hungarian Empire was not powerful, it was clearly more powerful in its entirety than Austria and Czechoslovakia during World War II.
Carlo did not intend to use the Austro-Hungarian Empire to stop the expansion of the Third Reich; he merely wanted to create more obstacles for the rise of the Third Reich and buy more time for Spain.
With Spain, France, and Italy reaching an agreement on peace negotiations, the rest became much easier.
On April 21, 1915, Austria-Hungary and the Allied Powers held a secret meeting.
To avoid arousing the suspicion of Germany and Britain, the talks were held in Romania, with Austria-Hungary secretly sending its foreign minister to participate.
In these peace negotiations, Austria-Hungary and the Allied Powers each put forward their own conditions for peace talks.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire was willing to cede the mountainous region in eastern Transylvania, plus Bosnia and Herzegovina, as compensation to Romania and Serbia.
The northern part of South Tyrol could also be ceded to Italy, while Austria-Hungary was willing to pay £1 million in war reparations to the Allied Powers and immediately withdraw from the war, refusing to provide any assistance or intelligence support to the Central Powers.
The Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister thought he had offered very sincere terms, but to his surprise, the Allied powers offered far more.
Because the Allied Powers consisted of multiple countries, the terms offered by the Allied Powers were the sum of the terms offered by all the countries.
Romania is demanding the entire Transylvania region, and even Bukovina in northern Transylvania.
Serbia, on the other hand, is demanding Slavonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and even wants to occupy Croatia.
Italy's ambitions were even greater, encompassing northern South Tyrol, Trieste, Dalmatia, and western Croatia, almost the entire coastline of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
France and Spain did not make many demands regarding the territory of Austria-Hungary, but they did demand that Austria-Hungary provide at least £5 million in war reparations and unconditionally disclose all its military technology data and production equipment to France and Spain.
Although France and Spain did not demand land, the reparations and the disclosure of means of production were still a heavy blow to Austria-Hungary.
If Austria-Hungary had agreed to the terms offered by the Allied Powers, it would have lost at least one-third of its territory, and the impact on its economy and industry would have been devastating, requiring decades to heal.
Although Austria-Hungary was indeed sincere in its peace negotiations, it was impossible for it to accept such harsh conditions.
Almost without hesitation, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister rejected the conditions proposed by the Allied Powers, only slightly modifying his own original offer, increasing the proportion of war reparations and the area of land ceded.
The first day of peace talks ended without any progress, but the Allied Powers were not in a hurry.
Because the troops at the front were still launching attacks on Austria-Hungary, the longer the peace negotiations dragged on, the more Austro-Hungarian territory the Allied Powers would control.
Dragging it out wouldn't do any harm to the Allied Powers; the real concern should be for Austria-Hungary.
As expected, in the first few days of the peace talks, the Austro-Hungarian foreign minister remained calm.
But after several days of fruitless fighting and with the front lines suffering defeat after defeat, the Austro-Hungarian Empire finally panicked.
On the fourth day of the peace negotiations, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister finally presented a reasonably sincere proposal, which truly propelled the peace talks forward.
Austria-Hungary was willing to cede Transylvania and Slavonia to Romania and Serbia, as well as northern South Tyrol and Trieste to Italy, and to pay £100 million in war reparations to France and Spain, and to disclose its military technology and means of production to the two countries.
These conditions are almost in line with the expectations of Spain, France and Italy when they were discussing the matter, but the three countries' appetites are clearly not satisfied with their original bottom line, and they all hope to gain more benefits for themselves.
After several more days of discussions, Austria-Hungary finally reached a preliminary agreement with the Allied Powers.
Transylvania was ceded to Romania, Slavonia, Croatia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia, and South Tyrol, Trieste, and Dalmatia to Italy. The remaining territories were temporarily left under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Although ceding these territories significantly weakened the Austro-Hungarian Empire and resulted in the loss of all its coastlines, it still allowed the empire to retain its core of rule over Austria and Czechoslovakia, while also maintaining control over Hungary and Galicia.
In addition to ceding these territories, Austria-Hungary also had to pay £2 million in war reparations to the Allied Powers, a portion of which could be offset by production equipment and technical data.
This war reparations was primarily directed at Spain and France, since the two most powerful Allied powers had not gained any territory in the peace negotiations and therefore needed to be compensated financially.
Romania and other countries that acquired territory did not object, since the actual land they received was definitely more appealing than money. In most cases, money simply cannot buy land, especially since it is sovereign territory.
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(End of this chapter)
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