Rise of Empires: Spain.

Chapter 387 Prime Minister Candidate

The news of the upcoming marriage between the Spanish and Danish royal families is no longer a secret, and the Spanish people have offered their blessings to Crown Prince Juan Fernando, who is about to get married.

Crown Prince Juan Fernando's engagement ceremony will take place at the Iberian Cathedral, which was built by Carlos specifically for the Archbishop of Spain to host royal weddings, funerals, and other important ceremonies.

The engagement ceremony will be personally organized by Queen Sophie, and the royal family will spend at least one million pesetas on it.

While a budget of one million pesetas isn't excessive, this is, after all, just an engagement ceremony. The royal family will certainly use far more funds when Prince Juan Fernando and Princess Louise hold their wedding.

Carlo wouldn't be stingy with his sons. His own wedding cost millions of pesetas, and the cost of his sons' weddings would only be higher.

For members of the royal family, such a grand wedding is a once-in-a-lifetime event. Carlo hopes they can all enjoy the highest level of wedding ceremony, and regardless of whether they inherit the throne in the future, Carlo wishes them a wealthy and peaceful life.

While preparing for Crown Prince Juan Fernando's engagement ceremony, the Spanish government also sent invitations to friendly countries and royal families.

The engagement ceremony was not as grand as the wedding ceremony, nor did it need to invite all European countries. Only the governments and royal families with good relations with Spain were invited, and everyone could sit together and catch up.

Only for Prince Juan Fernando's wedding ceremony will the Spanish government extend a wide invitation to governments and royal families from across Europe.

After this engagement ceremony, the year was 1897.

For the Spanish government, two things were of paramount importance in 1897.

The first thing is the cabinet election at the beginning of the year, which will determine who holds the highest power in the Spanish government for the next five years.

The second event is the Crown Prince's wedding ceremony. The two main figures in the wedding will most likely be the future King and Queen of Spain, and neither the current Spanish cabinet nor the elected Spanish cabinet can afford to neglect this wedding.

This wedding will not only invite most European countries and royal families, but also high-ranking government officials from around the world.

Carlo had specifically instructed that Spain would deploy its navy for the wedding. This was partly to increase the scale and prestige of the wedding, and partly to demonstrate Spain's current strength to the outside world.

As the 20th century approached, the situation in Europe would become even more chaotic. Only if Spain demonstrated sufficiently strong military power could it arouse the attention and fear of other European countries.

Carlos did not want Spain, which had worked so hard to reform and develop, to ultimately become cannon fodder for other countries in a world war. Participation in a world war was acceptable, but Spain needed to gain sufficient benefits and ensure that it remained on the winning side throughout.

For Carlo, neither of the two military blocs had a clear preference. Spain would choose whichever bloc could offer the most support and whichever bloc could gain the upper hand in the confrontation.

Even though both Austria-Hungary and Italy, members of the Austro-German military alliance, had kinship ties with the Spanish royal family, Carlo would not change his inclination because of this.

If the French offered enough, it wouldn't be impossible for Carlo to become an enemy of Germany and Austria-Hungary. Of course, if Germany offered even more, Carlo wouldn't mind directly opposing Britain and France for control of Gibraltar and the western Mediterranean outlet.

Although the Franco-Russian alliance currently appears to be a formidable force, Carlo knows that this is the last vestige of glory for the Tsarist Russian Empire.

A few years later, the war that would propel another nation to the status of a great power would break out. Russia would also be severely weakened by this war, indirectly triggering the revolutions of World War I and ultimately leading to the complete demise of the Romanov family that ruled Russia.

The war that led to Russia's complete decline was actually the Russo-Japanese War that broke out in 1904.

Although the war appears to have resulted in Japan defeating Russia head-on and solidifying its position as a great power, the reality is that Japan only defeated Russia's Far Eastern Army and Far Eastern Fleet, not the main force of the Russian army.

One reason for Russia's defeat in this war was that Japan's rise was supported by Britain, with the aim of undermining Russia's hegemony in the Far East.

On the other hand, there was the dissatisfaction of Russia's own ally, France, with Russia's actions in the Far East. France's core interests were in Europe and its African colonies, and the French naturally did not want their ally to set its sights on the distant Far East.

A Russia with its sights set on the Far East posed little threat to Germany and Austria-Hungary. However, if Russia could not tie down a large number of German and Austro-Hungarian troops, France would face the prospect of confronting Germany and its allies alone.

This is why France offered negligible support to its ally Russia during the Russo-Japanese War. They hoped that a defeat would make Russia realize the situation and refocus its attention on Europe.

As for the struggle for hegemony in the Far East, it is less important than the changes in the European situation. If the Franco-Russian alliance successfully defeats the Austro-German alliance, will hegemony in the Far East be far off?
Europe was the most developed region at the time. Successfully dominating Europe would mean that the Franco-Russian alliance would have the resources to dominate the world.

During the Russo-Japanese War, Japan's overall strength was actually far inferior to that of the European powers. The reason it was able to defeat Russia was quite simple: Russia's core region was too far from the Far East, and transporting supplies and mobilizing troops required enormous time and financial costs.

Although Russia was already building the Trans-Siberian Railway, which runs through Europe and the Far East, the problem was that the railway was not officially completed until 1916, even though construction began in 1891.

On the one hand, the extreme cold of Siberia made construction difficult, slowing down the railway's construction. On the other hand, Russia's own industrial capacity was not strong enough, so railway construction was not particularly fast to begin with.

It is precisely for this reason that this railway, which is more than 9000 kilometers long, took 25 years to build, with an average of less than 400 kilometers of railway built each year.

Even Tsar Nicholas II, who oversaw the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, probably never imagined that the railway he built would not benefit him, but rather the Soviet Union, which would later gain power over Russia.

Because the railway was not completed until the later stages of World War I, the Trans-Siberian Railway did not play a significant role in the war.

However, the crucial strategic role of the Trans-Siberian Railway became apparent during World War II. Stalin referred to it as the "dragon vein of Russia," highlighting its vital strategic lifeline for transporting supplies during the war.

If such a railway had existed during the Russo-Japanese War, the outcome of the war would have been truly uncertain. Although the individual combat strength of the Russian army was not strong, its numbers were the largest.

Apart from the vast Eastern power with a population of hundreds of millions and India, a British colony, very few countries in the world could match Russia's massive military buildup.

The first month of 1897 was the preparatory stage for the Spanish cabinet elections. During this period, major political parties launched their own slogans and cheered on their prime ministerial candidates.

Major Spanish newspapers are also reporting on the prime ministerial election, making bold predictions about which candidate will ultimately win.

By the end of January 1897, the final candidates for prime minister had been largely determined. In addition to the one nominee each of the four major political parties, Carlo also nominated the incumbent Minister of Industry, Angelo Orcajo, and three independent candidates nominated themselves, making a total of eight candidates for prime minister.

It was predictable that these three independent candidates for prime minister would likely be eliminated in the first round of elections.

Unfortunately, non-partisan individuals are at a significant disadvantage in such large-scale elections.

Those members of parliament who have joined a party will generally not vote for them; the only ones they can win over are those members who also do not belong to any party.

The problem is that only a small percentage of the 298 seats in the Spanish lower house are held by non-partisan members.

This also predetermined the fate of these independent prime ministerial candidates: unless they could gain the support of the king, or by sheer luck win in a stalemate between the parties, they would have no chance of becoming prime minister.

These three independent prime ministerial candidates are not running for election with the aim of winning, but rather to add some luster to their resumes.

Because, by any measure, an ordinary Member of Parliament is more powerful than a Member of Parliament who has run for Prime Minister.

Even if a candidate fails to win the prime ministerial election, or is eliminated in the first round, they are still a member of parliament who participated in the prime ministerial election.

In this respect, Spain's electoral system is relatively good. Regardless of whether these prime ministerial candidates ultimately win the election, as long as they meet the requirements, they are qualified to become prime ministerial candidates.

To some extent, this reflects fairness. As for those who ran but failed to win, it simply means they didn't receive support from other members of parliament, not that there were problems with the election process itself. To a certain extent, Havel Solair, as the prime ministerial candidate of the largest party, should have had the greatest advantage and public support.

However, there was no way around it. In this prime ministerial election, Carlo personally recommended Baron Angelo Orcajo, and the public, knowing that Carlo supported Baron Orcajo, naturally favored him as well.

This is the boost from Carlo's immense popularity; people will naturally trust the candidates he recommends, even if those candidates themselves do not have any advantages.

Cabinet veterans like Hoviljal Soler and Ewald Batel weren't stupid either. When Carlo personally recommended the prime ministerial candidate, they knew that a definite choice had already been made for this cabinet.

Unless they can leverage their party's advantage to secure a decisive and swift victory with a large number of votes, smaller parties will almost certainly cast their votes for Carlo's preferred candidate if the election remains deadlocked.

Besides expressing his loyalty to His Majesty the King, this was also a way to cultivate a good relationship with the new Prime Minister in advance.

Baron Angelo Orcajo has one major difference from other prime ministerial candidates: he has not joined any political party.

Spain does not restrict prime ministers and prime ministerial candidates from joining political parties. Does this mean that they also hope to recruit Angelo Orcajo, a highly popular prime ministerial candidate, into their party?

Of course, now is not the time to try and recruit him into a political party. Since each party can only nominate one candidate for prime minister, it is not the best time to court Baron Olcajo before the election is over.

Even after the election, it's possible to win over supporters. If Baron Olcajo wins the election, he will almost certainly seek re-election after his term ends. With the help of political parties, Baron Olcajo's chances of re-election will be even greater.

If Baron Olcajo does not win this election, he can be brought into the party to boost his popularity and wait for the next prime ministerial election five years later.

Anyway, this is the candidate supported by His Majesty the King. Even if he loses this prime ministerial election, his chances of winning next time will only be greater.

After all, Baron Orcajo's age was also a significant advantage. A 49-year-old politician was still in his prime.

Although the average life expectancy in Europe is only 30 to 40 years, this is because a large number of ordinary Europeans have dragged down the average life expectancy.

For people in the upper echelons of European society, living to sixty or seventy years old was perfectly feasible. In particular, the pampered aristocracy typically lived past seventy.

For these people, being under fifty years old is not really old. Baron Orcajo's political career spans more than a decade, so investing in him is definitely a good investment.

Even if one can only serve one term as prime minister, the boost to a party's power is immense. During Prime Minister Primo's tenure, the Progressive Party was the largest party in Spain.

By the time of Prime Minister Canovas, the largest political party in Spain had become the Conservative Party.

In other words, Prime Minister Evan Bradley himself does not have a party affiliation; otherwise, it's hard to say whether the current Conservative Party could continue to be the largest party in Spain.

In fact, the political parties involved can also explain why Carlo ultimately gave up on making Deputy Prime Minister Howeil Soller the Prime Minister.

Deputy Prime Minister Jovir Soler is, after all, a member of the Conservative Party. If he is elected Prime Minister, it will only make the Conservative Party more powerful in Spain.

Although the Conservative Party is also a member of the Royalist Party, the Conservative Party's high approval rating is not a good thing for Spain's development.

Carlos hopes that Spanish politics will involve more participation from the Progressive Party, the Liberal Party, and the Workers' Party. Only with a diverse political landscape can Spain's development avoid being confined to a single ideology.

To some extent, Ewald Bartel might also be a good candidate. He comes from the Progressive Party, and if he becomes prime minister, Spain will once again return to a situation where the Progressive Party and the Conservative Party are locked in a power struggle.

Unfortunately, Ewald Bartel was too old, and considering that the 20th century was approaching, Spain needed a prime minister who was more energetic and open-minded.

In February 1897, the Spanish prime ministerial election officially began.

The major political parties had been preparing for the prime ministerial election for more than a month, but the entire election process lasted less than three days.

As all parties predicted, the Conservative Party's Howellia Soler initially did indeed gain a significant advantage.

However, these advantages were not enough for him to become prime minister, and he could no longer gain the support of other political parties, so he had no choice but to give up.

Ewald Bartel, of course, needs no introduction. The Progressive Party at this time was not the largest party it was during Prime Minister Primo's administration, and in the current Spanish political climate, it was impossible for someone to become Prime Minister of Spain solely with the support of the Progressive Party.

Those parties with no chance of winning the prime ministership wouldn't support the Conservative or Progressive Party candidates. Instead, they cast their votes for Baron Angelo Orcajo when the two parties were deadlocked.

Seeing that the tide had turned against them, the Conservative and Progressive parties had no choice but to cast their votes for Baron Olcajo in exchange for some benefits.

The end result was that after Baron Olcajo's first term in the cabinet ended, he directly became the Prime Minister of Spain, ascending to the highest seat of political power in Spain.

Carlo wouldn't mind giving the sensible Conservative candidate, Howilliar Soler, a bright future.

The day after the prime minister was chosen, Carlo publicly stated that Hoverial Soler would be reappointed as deputy prime minister, allowing him to end his political career with the high-ranking position of deputy prime minister.

Although he ultimately failed to become prime minister, Jovilal Soler's resume as Minister of Agriculture (Primo's second term plus the interim cabinet), Minister of Industry (three terms plus two terms as deputy prime minister) still made him a meritorious figure in Spain, and he was granted the title of Carlo after his retirement.

Winning a title for himself and his descendants was perhaps the best possible outcome for Havilaire Soler.

Aside from not having much land, there wasn't much difference between the new and old-style nobles. Hovilial Soler would most likely receive the title of Earl, a hereditary title.

For Hoverial Soler himself, achieving the status of a true noble family through his own efforts was a fitting end to his life.

As for Progressive Party candidate Ewald Bartel, he can also retire from the position of Speaker of the House of Representatives.

This is not just compensation for him, but also a balance of power that Carlo has achieved.

The Conservative Party is the largest party in Spain, and the position of Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies is destined to be out of reach for a Conservative Party member.

If the Conservative Party were to gain control of the Speaker of the House of Commons, the most important body in Parliament could very well become a Conservative-dominated arena.

Although the Conservative Party was loyal to Carlo at this time, who could guarantee that the Conservative Party's political ideology was in line with the needs of Spain's development?
Allowing the Conservative Party to dominate is not in line with Carroll's political plan. Whether now or in the future, the position of Speaker of the House of Representatives cannot be obtained by the largest party at the time.

Ewaldbaatar is more senior than Hovilial Soler, having served four terms as Chancellor of the Exchequer and one term as Speaker of the House of Representatives. If he is re-elected as Speaker of the House of Representatives, he could also be granted a title of baron or higher in the future.

Although they couldn't ascend to the highest political throne in Spain, this outcome was already quite satisfactory for them.

Most politicians spend their lives pursuing only three things: fame, profit, and the country.

Hoviljal Soler and Ewald Batel have achieved both fame and fortune. They have also made significant contributions to the country.

Now that all three things have been accomplished, what else is there to be dissatisfied about?

(End of this chapter)