Solovyov in Tsarist Russia 1796.

The plan was very good, and Speransky made many revisions and showed it to Alexander many times.

The Tsar himself was very satisfied and gave a response, planning to launch this plan during the departmental reform in 1810.

Solovyov was worried about this problem. Speransky was still very trusted because of his ability. If Alexander appointed a secretary of state, he would be the only one.

In the new government structure, the Secretary of State is also a powerful figure in the administrative system, and his power in Russia is probably second only to the Tsar himself.

However, there were inevitably people in the court who expressed opposition, and they had some theoretical basis for their opposition.

Speransky was absorbed in his work, and although he had some talent in social circles, government reform and assisting Alexander as Secretary of State occupied most of his time.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of War were usually very busy. Even though Arakcheev regarded him as a political enemy and Solovyov had never liked this man, he had no reason to oppose Speransky. After all, whether he was the Minister of War or the subsequent military and administrative reforms, even a conservative like him had always advocated the establishment of a new order and naturally would not cause trouble.

As for other departments, Solovyov always believed that the positions of Minister of Police and Minister of Posts were the most troublesome.

The latter likes to open letters and pry into privacy, while the former is a gossipmonger in Russia. To be honest, the traditional craftsmanship at No. 11 Lubyanka Square was already a daily routine before Peter the Great moved the capital.

"Mikhail Mikhailovich, you are always pressed for time. This time you have come so far to come to me. Is everything in Petersburg all right?"

This was not the first time Solovyov had raised this issue during their conversation.

"It doesn't matter. I have already made arrangements."

"But I think there will always be someone who will report your remarks to the Emperor, such as the Minister of Police. There are people like Fouché in Paris, and we have them here too. But don't worry, even if someone has planted spies in my house, I can know the situation. Otherwise, I would not be talking to you here."

"You don't mean Balashov?"

"The Minister of Police, what he should do is not to fabricate charges. In Russia, we are all subjects of the emperor. If there are reactionaries, they should be the focus of attention, or the truly dangerous Jacobins."

"If that's the case, I'm afraid you and I will both be listed as 'dangerous Frenchmen'. Even the fact that you were able to come in, Misha, is because of your stepmother and those relatives in France."

"In fact, I give people the impression that no matter which position I take, others will not be surprised. Even if it is a more radical measure than the Jacobin Club, you should not be surprised. This is because I agree to establish a complete security system, but I am against excessive invasion of privacy. The basis of this principle is that power can be restrained in the hands of the Minister of Police or the Security Committee, and not abused."

"I think that the department you are talking about is probably only the founder and the first one or two generations of leaders who can act according to this idea. Once someone with a strong desire for power appears, or a lackey who caters to the boss's wishes, or something else,

"Yeah, that's bad."

This is how it is in Russia. Speransky also knew that Solovyov's mouth was locked with an iron bolt, and even if he told him some excessive things, they would not be spread.

Especially political issues, which are related to Siberia tour groups.

Solovyov had played a word trick at the beginning. On the surface, he sent the prisoners to the "Governor's District". Although it was about Siberia, in fact, under his operation, they went to the French in North America to contribute to the construction of Fort Ross.

As for what results this operation produced, probably all the ministers would be able to move on to the next topic after seeing it.

North America is too far away, and there are only Spanish colonial outposts and Indian tribes near Fort Ross. Politically, it is even less likely to cause any waves than Siberia.

Even the subsequent ministers, looking at the situation in Rossburg, wanted to send people to the Duke of Enghien.

Since the area is vast and sparsely populated, it will definitely not be overcrowded. However, it will be a huge test for the rule of the local Russian Governor-General's District.

Speransky still wanted to talk with Solovyov for a while. Since the secret committee started working, Speransky knew that the then adjutant was very interested in his approach.

However, his statement was more of an Oriental studies translation, and I was afraid that my daughter would like this theory very much.

In fact, Solovyov was very popular among noble ladies because of his appearance. He was elegant in conversation on weekdays (but he was a different person in the army), and he was very talented. He was not comparable to the group of handsome fools in St. Petersburg and Moscow.

He spent most of his time in the army, and if he had not married Katya, he might have had many suitors since 1807.

However, although many people have received education from private tutors, they are not necessarily better than the "vase" Madame Récamier, and may even be quite vulgar.

But some girls who like to study do not do so for this purpose. Speransky discovered that his daughter liked Solovyov's teachings because of their knowledge, and even had some interest in the East.

Therefore, Speransky always wanted Solovyov to tell him what the Chinese did.

After all, they no longer need to speak Russian or "Khitan" now, so it seems to be going more smoothly.

"Misha, how do the Chinese do it, as Mr. Voltaire said?"

"Mr. Voltaire obviously promoted China as his ideal country. However, judging from Count Golovkin's embassy, ​​Macartney's meeting with the last Chinese emperor, and what Europeans saw and heard there, this country is conservative and seems closed, but in fact it may understand us a little. It is just because of its vast territory and perfect but rigid system, so it is a centralized country. If I tell those conservatives about the real China, they will probably admire this system very much."

Then, Solovyov outlined for Speransky on a blank sheet of paper based on the system of three provinces and six ministries, as well as the political structure of the Ming and Qing dynasties.

"Look, doesn't it look a lot like us?"

Speransky was a smart man and realized it quickly.

"From what you wrote, we can see that this huge empire has a perfect system. The problem is that a system that is too perfect will also face difficulties when facing new problems. Misha, you are right. I think Karamzin will highly respect such a perfect system."

"But if you say anything that's close to Europe, people like Mr. Karamzin will object. We don't have any good way to deal with it. He still wants Russian traditions. As for Russian traditions, he may not even be aware of it himself. If we take out all the archives, we can only satisfy the traditions he mentioned according to the boyar system."

"It's a pity that although you have plenty of ammunition, you don't like to debate."

"By the way, how is your daughter in Novgorod?" "The child is a little weak, but she has been taken care of by servants and doctors, so she is fine."

"Would you consider marrying another wife?"

Solovyov was asking tentatively, as Speransky was very busy with work and had no one to take care of him. Of course, he was not asking about Adela, but about Katya's cousins.

Speransky's starting point was lower than Solovyov's. He was able to go to school because of the care of the local priest. He used his talents to hone his skills in civil service positions and was appreciated by Alexander.

To be honest, his background is still a little poor, and he has no backing. He is not like Solovyov, who has some seemingly distant but indeed reliable relationships with several princely families because of his family connections.

Even so, it was inevitable that he would be targeted by some nobles because of his identity as a "lone minister".

To be honest, it was the church that could provide him with some protection, but not much.

But Speransky shook his head and said, "Misha, I don't think it's necessary. I'm almost forty years old now. Even if I find a widow, I may not be able to make her happy because of my status. I will just have a seemingly high position to satisfy her vanity."

"I understand your thoughts, but you do need help, and your daughter also needs someone to take care of her."

"In this case, I envy you. Although Katya is young, she pays more attention to family. It seems that you have a good life like this."

"But our identities are always inseparable from this vortex."

Solovyov is also a little worried now. After all, even if the conservatives think there is no problem with the draft, Speransky's actions may be aimless.

I would have to send my bride and Catherine to Paris later, and the draft would probably be submitted in January 1810, so I would definitely not be able to help.

What he decides to do depends on himself. Solovyov knows Alexander very well, and in the end, Speransky may still be to blame.

After all, although Alexander always spoke nice words in public, he did not actually reflect himself in any law, although his will as a monarch was implemented in it.

In this way, Speransky's bill would be blocked and the conservatives would attack it, which would not be a good thing.

"Thank you, Misha. At least you listened to me and tried to find a solution."

"Another approach might be to break the bill up into pieces, like a salami-slicing tactic, where we proceed one by one, leaving opponents with little room to object."

"But our opponents will also find ways. Don't think that you and Prince Alexander Saltykov are both good at this and can decide things at will. Our opponents will also have ways. For example, if we want to promote a certain bill, they will take action on the actual implementation measures."

"It seems that you understand it well. Why don't you stay for dinner?"

"No, I have to go back to Petersburg. Katya would probably talk a lot if I were at the table with you and your wife."

"When she's only with me, she's very well behaved. Maybe having guests makes her feel excited. I can't help it. Having a young wife can easily make her feel like this."

"Now that you mention it, I do miss Lisa. Also, you may be right that my daughter will always need someone to take care of her."

"Let's talk about it later. Since you are going back, I also have something to give you."

Solovyov asked Speransky to wait for a while and brought him a book.

"This may be of some use to you. It's my notes, printed at home."

"Thank you, Misha."

After Speransky left, Solovyov realized that the success rate of his reform plan might not be that high.

In the position of Minister of Police, Balashov was also a general of the aide-de-camp, and unlike Volkonsky, he had no experience in commanding large-scale troops.

Yes, Solovyov was also quite surprised. Even his father-in-law, who had left the military a long time ago, was promoted based on his military merits and then became a civil servant.

As for Balashov, his resume had always been that of a garrison commander. He served in the Caucasus and, as the commander of the Vilno Regiment, he actually chose to apply to leave the regiment.

That's how it was. He later had a successful career and was promoted to lieutenant general without having to fight any major battles.

It sounds even more outrageous than Taifu's resume.

The old tutor, Prince Saltykov, although his title of field marshal was purely honorary, he was still very capable as a regiment commander and column commander. He was good at leading a battle with more than 10,000 people, but he couldn't handle more than that.

But he worked hard in that position and was later arranged to be Alexander's guardian. In any case, he made contributions.

Solovyov felt that someone like Balashov was not very suitable, even considering that he was always in the court and the internal affairs department, and his hawkish temperament could be seen just from his resume.

According to Solovyov's experience, this person was probably very good at scheming and knew some ways to please the monarch, so he was deeply trusted and sat in the position of Minister of Police.

In addition to him, there should be some other conservative ministers and nobles who will also oppose it.

Even if Speransky had simplified the bills and even made compromises, something was bound to happen given the current situation in Russia.

Therefore, Solovyov was also quite worried about the brains of Russia's reform.

But he couldn't help much. That's how he saw it. Solovyov didn't know how many stones he had moved in Sweden, and what he did after returning to St. Petersburg would cause considerable changes in the future. (End of this chapter)