Solovyov in Tsarist Russia 1796.

Nikolai still had his own ideas after hearing this.

Because Paul was killed by a conspiracy when he was very young, he, like Paul, lacked the attention of Peter III and always harbored some longing for his father's actions.

However, because of the presence of his mother, brothers, sisters, and teachers, his behavior is more restrained, and he doesn't act so eccentrically.

Solovyov already knew the truth about his father's murder because of the reforms, through gossip among the nobles, even before he officially became Solovyov's teacher.

After Solovyov and Mara taught him politics, military affairs, and French respectively, he was able to read on his own and learn some of the truth through various documents and books.

When he toured the countryside, the serfs loved him from the bottom of their hearts because of his father and brothers, not because his grandmother had conquered new territories.

They spoke of the benevolence of the two former emperors, how Paul swiftly granted them their first grace period and days of rest, and how Alexander, as the Messiah, protected them.

Of course, the emperor was powerless in the later stages; he was mostly just acting.

However, many of the ministers and generals he left behind were inclined towards reform, and Arakcheyev was the executor of the Tsar's orders.

"Your Majesty, what are you thinking about?"

"We've talked about liberating serfs. Will we one day also have to liberate peasants and workers?"

Upon hearing this, Solovyov needed to make preparations in two aspects.

Nicholas may genuinely want to change something, but as a ruler, he naturally has a certain degree of wariness towards elements that threaten his rule.

Whether it's capitalists or the working class, this is determined by their class position and the perspective of the rulers.

When he asked this question, Solovyov could only offer some cautious opinions.

"Your Majesty, you must still have some concerns."

"It's exploitation, as you said. There's just too much of this. If we take a portion of the workers' earnings, the capitalists will protest. But if the workers are paid meager wages and can't even support themselves, they'll rise up like Stepan Lajin and Pugachev, those Cossacks and peasants who used to run rampant in the Volga region."

"Yes, Your Majesty. But how to deal with it is still up to you."

"I think we should hold a general meeting, whether it's the State Duma, which you've been suggesting, or a meeting of the Privy Council, to get a result."

“But before that, there should be thorough preparation. Your Majesty, you should consider what difficulties you might face. I think the Queen’s attitude when the British passed the Catholic Act and the Irish Act is one way to explain this.”

"You mean the matter of Queen Charlotte making suggestions to the Conservatives through the Duke of Clarence?"

"Yes, Your Majesty. There will always be those who don't cooperate. If they cast too many dissenting votes, the bill won't pass. Fortunately, we don't have a constitution yet, and as the monarch, Your Majesty, I think you can decide anything."

Although he had delegated power to the Russian nobility, Nicholas still held an army, and the nobility's support for him reached its peak due to his great victories against the Ottoman Empire and Persia.

Now is the best time for Russia to reform since the victory in the Napoleonic Wars.

Unfortunately, after 1816, Alexander had lost all interest in changing the status quo. He was in such a despondent state that Solovyov, who was frequently sent away to work elsewhere, couldn't understand his views.

This opportunity presents the best chance for proactive reform.

Surely external circumstances can't force the Russians to choose a new monarch?

That would be a terrible situation.

Solovyov himself must be worried about what Nikolai's final decision will be.

"It would be good to do things your way. We can reach an agreement on the issue of emancipating serfs. Anyone who objects should be sent to Siberia."

"Your Majesty, it doesn't necessarily have to be sent to Siberia."

"So, should we ship it to North America?"

"In short, they can be punished, but in the old way, they can be deported and brought back after they have reflected on their actions."

Upon hearing Solovyov's words, Nikolai recalled Prince Vasily, Solovyov's father-in-law, who had been expelled from St. Petersburg by his father and lived in Saxony for several years before returning to Russia.

Of course, this method is also not ideal, because some opposition members simply go abroad and never come back.

This kind of thing is already a well-known practice in Russia.

"If you send them out..."

"If they still dare to oppose, then confiscate their property in the country. Many of our nobles can do nothing without their land."

In addition, cracking down on certain nobles always makes the peasants feel that the emperor is on their side.

There's nothing we can do about it. If Solovyov were in France or England, he would probably be able to do things much more smoothly because their systems are more comprehensive.

In Russia, all the rules and regulations must be clearly defined so that they can be enforced.

The reason?
Russians have no whips or rules, and sometimes they just don't know what to do.

Solovyov himself felt this keenly; he often found that junior officers didn't know what they were supposed to do and even needed him, the commander-in-chief, to give them instructions in person.

This was the case in 1799, in 1812, and even recently with the officers who followed Solovyov on his southern expedition. If this problem continues, it will likely persist until 1945.

The premise is that something really is going to happen that year.

However, confiscating the property of nobles is still very useful. It can even be auctioned or divided, which can provide some fiscal revenue to subsidize a region.

In the past, Count Ilya Tolstoy owed 50 rubles in Kazan, and there will be other things to come.

In short, for Russia, the rule of law is a must, even if sometimes certain things are just a matter of appearances.

The two discussed for a long time in the office. In the afternoon, Nikolai invited Speransky and Kochubey, the most experienced liberals at the time.

Speransky himself was the mastermind behind the reforms during Alexander's era, and he frowned somewhat when he saw Solovyov's suggestion.

“Your idea is not wrong, but it will inevitably bring problems. The newly defined bourgeoisie will certainly have more demands. I am also the old count’s son-in-law. Our family comes from a merchant background, and commerce is easier to accumulate wealth than agriculture. After they have more wealth, they will also seek a voice. And you have discovered this pattern, which they may not even be aware of themselves.”

"Speransky, why do you say that?"

“Your Majesty, based on our experience as civil servants, it’s impossible for everyone to be like the Prince of Thrace, who understands economics and knows his job well, and can do many things well. Some ‘capitalists’ only know where their profits come from.” “Perhaps you could say that,” Kochubey added, “You have to teach them this knowledge for them to understand. Count Speransky and I are both civil servants who have long been in charge of administration, so we naturally know the intricacies. The Prince of Thrace’s proposal is valuable and meaningful. If we ask those fools to hand over their profits, many people might protest. They haven’t read Adam Smith and David Ricardo, let alone the new theories that the Prince of Thrace has put forward this time.”

“They will only think that the Emperor is making them pay more taxes and transferring payments to workers to increase their wages, treating the workers like serfs. If that’s the case, much of what we’ve done to help His Majesty will have been in vain.”

Speransky, after all, came from a poor background at a church school. Unlike other civil servants, he also had great sympathy for the lower classes.

Therefore, he said those words.

As Nikolai sat there, he glanced at Solovyov again.

"Your Highness, what is your opinion?"

Because there were two high-ranking civil officials and a marshal-level prince present, Nikolai maintained a slight rapport with Solovyov when he spoke, instead mentioning his title.

“Those fools really don’t understand this. We want this money so that the workers are guaranteed a job, so that they will be willing to work. Otherwise, they will end up like the British workers, vandalizing machines, organizing strikes, and even throwing stones at the Prince of Wales’ carriage.”

This is a point that all officers undoubtedly need to understand clearly.

Nicholas himself spoke up: "At least the serfs and citizens spontaneously love the Tsar, that is, me. They know that I can make decisions for them, and that is enough."

Nikolai was very clear about his responsibilities.

“Your Majesty, if that is the case, Count Speransky and I also support the reforms, because Your Majesty is very determined to ensure that everyone will reap happiness in the future.”

"If the reforms succeed, I will also be determined to grant amnesty."

Nikolai's mention of this reassured Solovyov.

He believed that the Decembrists' actions were wrong, but he did not see them all as being instigated by foreign forces. His eldest son-in-law had by then been exonerated and restored to his status as an officer and nobleman, but because of his involvement in the activities in St. Petersburg that year, he had no political future.

However, given his status, it wouldn't be a problem for him to help Solovyov with some management at home.

"Your Majesty, if that is the case, those who are guilty, and their families, will thank you for your mercy."

Kochubey is the most apt person to say this, as Solovyov's son-in-law, nephew, and many of his subordinates are involved, and Speransky's deputy during the Siberian reforms is still under house arrest and unable to leave the country.

His publicly acknowledged relatives and friends are much more distant, so it's appropriate for him to speak.

Seeing these important ministers speak in this way, Nicholas felt relieved.

He finally made up his mind to submit the plan to the Privy Council for discussion, as Solovyov had envisioned.

However, Nikolai did not publicly discuss the remaining value.

He was somewhat like his older brother; he kept some things secret, and only five people knew about this in total.

Besides the four of them, Katya, who saw Solovyov's manuscript at home, was the Tsarevich's wet nurse and the current chief court lady, who had always unconditionally supported her husband.

It may be hard to believe, but when the wives and girlfriends of the Decembrists came to petition, the Queen, in front of her husband, supported their ideas and said that she would follow in her husband's footsteps in this position.

He supported Nicholas on the one hand, and expressed sympathy for these noblewomen on the other.

Yes, the ladies of this era all have this kind of flair.

Solovyov felt relieved after returning home, as Nikolai had finally agreed to his reform plan within his inner circle, which was a first step forward.

"Mishka, how is he?"

"His Majesty has agreed to my plan, which is a good thing. Ah, I have always been favored by the late Emperor and have always wanted to repay his kindness. What he did not finish, I will always help Your Majesty complete."

"I will support you too, and the good news is..."

"How are you feeling after two months?"

"As you know, my belly was always very noticeable when I was pregnant."

"If that's the case, then it's God."

Although Solovyov was an atheist, and he only went to church with his wife, mother-in-law, daughter, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law, and other noblewomen and aristocratic ladies, he still spoke out about it at this moment.

"Thank God, thank God. Let me give you a hug first. Since we got married, I've often been away from home, but I hope I can always be with you and the children."

Well, the fact that an old married couple can still be affectionate is because Solovyov is completely under his wife's thumb. He's easily captivated by younger women, and Katya openly allows him to maintain relationships with his lovers.

The real problem is that she and Mihrima are the two youngest, and no new people have joined since.

Solovyov was getting on in years, and sometimes he believed in omens; if things went well, good things would always happen to him.

Katya finally confirmed her pregnancy when she and Mihrima were bathing with several teenage girls.

It's also noticeable that her hair was just dried, suggesting that Mihrima was probably still soaking in the pool with a few girls.

"So, you're allowed to stay home?"

"His Majesty has given me a new appointment, but this time it's not in the military, nor as Prime Minister, but in the State Council."

Literally speaking, Solovyov is now the "Chairman," but he is not bald; he still has thick blond hair, though with age he has gained a lot of white hair.

After he and his wife got married, their relationship was harmonious, and he didn't make any rash vows.

"So, you won't leave St. Petersburg?"

"At least most of the time, that's how it is. Although I don't like meetings, there are some things that have to be done, and at least I can come home every day."

“That’s good, at least the children can see their father by their side.”

"Yes, I also want to say that it's for their future happiness."

The Privy Council is also somewhat risky, but since the Tsar has already agreed, it will probably pass with applause in the end.

Next, we will begin the real reforms. (End of Chapter)