Solovyov in Tsarist Russia 1796.

"Seryozha, to save Russia, we need to do a lot of investigation, not just rely on enthusiasm. The purpose of the revolution is noble, and the goal is pure, but after the revolution succeeds, how will we govern?"

"We can convene a constitutional convention, invite representatives from all over the country to St. Petersburg, and decide the future fate of Russia."

"Before that, serfdom must be abolished; this is essential. I support the abolition of serfdom, but what will become of the serfs in the future? According to Russian tradition before Ivan the Terrible, although serfdom existed, they were provided with protection within the village community, not just the nobles, landowners, and serfs. Ivan the Terrible strengthened this step, but it was Boris Godunov who truly brought chaos, further reinforcing serfdom to the point that it has become the intractable problem we see today. My friend, before you do anything, you must read more. Many peasants today do not own their own land. Perhaps the Emperor's three-day edict could have made them cultivate their own land, but that is not the case in reality. Landlords, rich peasants, and ordinary poor serfs are all different; it is best to distinguish between class groups. This requires a government, not just a Constituent Assembly. Seryozha, do you understand what I mean?"

"An investigation and research are needed."

"As you probably know, my family is from Arkhangelsk, but we moved to Ryazan long ago. I grew up in the countryside and came to the city after serving in the army there. Although I rarely go back to Ryazan, only two or three times during my service, I know more about the countryside than you do. Seryozha, I will never forget the time when Emperor Paul appeared before those serfs, how much they loved him. The Emperor was moved by them and finally exempted them from taxes—what a beautiful scene. However, Emperor Paul is no longer here. We all know about this, how many nobles were behind it and could have acted as obstacles."

"You should know more about the situation than we do."

"Your brother-in-law never tells you this, does he, Seryozha? We're talking about this here today as friends, and no one else will hear us. You must keep this a secret. While I admire your efforts to save the country, one thing is undeniable: it requires a long period of preparation and contacting people. Excuse me for asking, but how many people do you have now?"

"We have thirty like-minded comrades."

"But your views are probably not aligned."

At this time, the Decembrists' official name was still "National Salvation League" in their secret society, and most absurdly, Alexander knew of their existence.

However, the Tsar himself was only forty years old at the time, in the prime of his life. He believed that time could smooth everything out, allowing these people to lose their edge, and then they could still serve Russia as excellent nobles and soldiers.

Even at this time, Alexander's thinking was still that they were serving the country, not himself; it was still a remnant of his thinking from his youth.

A few years ago, he appointed Speransky to implement reforms, but the result was a complete mess. The internal opposition was so strong that Speransky is still working as a potato farm manager in Siberia.

Even after the failure, Arakcheyev, a conservative, admired Speransky's talent and vouched for him two years later.

Furthermore, Adela was Solovyov's adopted sister, and Alexander still took some care of his beloved general's brother-in-law. Moreover, although the relationship between the ruler and his subject had become distant, their views were still consistent on many occasions.

Solovyov also received a letter from Speransky, mentioning that the Emperor still treated him the same as before.

In reality, although Speransky was trusted, Alexander began to distance himself from him and he was no longer his closest minister.

Solovyov, having been away from court for a long time, only knew Alexander's views at the time, before the Vienna Conference and his departure.

However, because Alexander was unwilling to offend anyone, many things remain unresolved. The crucial point is that his stance frequently shifts.

Moreover, after Speransky was falsely accused by Balasov, Alexander's decisions became more autocratic.

Once he returned to St. Petersburg and readjusted to court life, Solovyov finally understood what had happened.

Now, he also has to deal with Sergei Volkonsky.

Of course, these young Russian officers knew that Solovyov would keep it a secret and wouldn't betray them.

That's why they came to him, and among the Russian generals, he was actually one of the most prestigious at that time.

Moreover, because he is relatively young, he is always able to understand the thoughts of young people.

If he were an older general, older than Miloradovich, and with less progressive views, these people probably wouldn't have sought him out.

But if that were the case, Solovyov might already be a coach like Barclay.

Many people even privately speculated that Count Solovyov, who was so trusted but had not yet received the highest honors he deserved, was probably reserved for the next monarch, or would be promoted through military merit at the appropriate time.

It's unlikely that something like Surena, who annihilated Krasus, would turn around and be executed by the Shah of Parthia; such a thing is quite rare.

Solovyov's background was not enough to allow him to overshadow his superiors.

Now he's here, watching Prince Sergei, to see what he's going to do and what opinions he'll express.

Among the Decembrists, he was the only one who was a general, and a close confidant of the Tsar. The rest were mostly young nobles, and although they were close in age to him, the highest rank they held was only colonel. Many of them were radical young people with little social experience.

That's precisely why they have so many conflicting viewpoints.

Sergei sat there, also considering what he should say.

Solovyov was a renowned scholar-general not only among military and aristocratic circles, but also enjoyed expressing his opinions, especially regarding the study of classical Eastern philosophy. Among the Russian nobility, the Analects was often referred to as "Oriental Conversations." Originally intended as a textbook for young people in Tsarskoye Selo, it was passed down among parents because students would bring related materials home.

It's also quite troublesome for Sergei that his opponent is of a higher rank than him.

In particular, everyone knows that Solovyov reacts very quickly; his mind works incredibly fast, and he's even used to issuing orders immediately on the battlefield.

The same applies to the political sphere.

“Seryozha, you can say more. It can’t just be me talking. If I go on and on, it will become a monologue.”

“Mikhail Sergeyevich, I’m just thinking about how to do it better.”

"Practice more. Don't rely on enthusiasm and good wishes. You have to see the facts clearly. The situation is bad now, but it's still much better than before. At least most serfs can eat their fill now. Speransky's reforms have not been ineffective, and the Emperor's measures to improve the treatment of serfs have also been useful. The problem is that Russia is too big. It can't be like Baden, where Her Majesty the Empress was born. Small countries can do things quickly. They ended serfdom quickly and became an enlightened autocratic small country because the country is small enough. If it were Russia, just a message would take a long time to travel from St. Petersburg to Moscow, and then to Kazan or Astrakhan. Like in the past, St. Petersburg was always the last to know what was happening in Spain under Napoleon."

Of course, the same was true in Moscow, and even later. As for what Solovyov said, Sergei would always remember his sister's husband, a colleague and friend of his brother-in-law, and her husband, a junior in the court.

But what are they supposed to do?
Solovyov didn't ask any further questions; he didn't want to know about these people, nor did he want to get involved in their work.

Even many of those who opposed Paul in the past were young military officers.

But twenty years later, many of these people today are praising Paul's past actions of emancipating serfs, even though their fathers may have opposed Paul's actions at the time.

This world sometimes cannot be measured by normal standards.

But for a promising young officer who had made great contributions between 1812 and 1814, and was also a close advisor to the Tsar and one of his own circle, he did want to give Volkonsky a helping hand.

How far he can go depends on him.

As for the organizational structure of young people, if it is a group of hundreds of officers, it is obviously not enough if they are only middle and lower-ranking officers.

Solovyov could even foresee that many members of the Guards would join, as would young people from the St. Petersburg nobility.

However, he was unaware that his nephew, Vinyamin, was also involved, and had been actively participating in the activities since he joined the army last year.

Moreover, this nephew lives with his cousin in Moscow or Ryazan, and rarely appears here.

"Seryozha, have you made up your mind?"

“I think it will take more time, Mikhail Sergeyevich. Although you are not an elder, I still prefer to call you that. You are like the eagle banner. When we see you on the battlefield, it is like seeing the Grand Marshal.”

"No, I am nothing more than a shadow of Alexander Vasilyevich."

Solovyov always refused to compare himself to the Grand Marshal, and this humility always earned him goodwill.

The eagle flag is often associated with Napoleon's side, since the French emperor's army always carried eagle flags.

Solovyov captured many such eagle banners during the battle, which was a great honor.

"From your perspective, you would become the leader of my comrades, so why haven't you taken any action?"

"Because of family ties, and also because, as I've emphasized many times, the timing isn't right. If it's just a group of young people referencing the French system and proposing some programs, they'll inevitably be out of touch with the masses. We need to see what the serfs are doing, what the citizens and nobles are doing, the behavior of each class, their characteristics—only then can we draw conclusions. Simply clinging to wishful thinking might backfire. Your point, how should I put it, Seryozha, is that if we want to save Russia, simply abolishing serfdom isn't enough. We need a thorough understanding of each class."

However, this well-intentioned advice may not yield such a favorable result in the future.

Because of his personal residence and the influence of the association, Sergei Volkonsky would join the more radical Southern Association.

Solovyov didn't know this either; the Decembrists were just a term to him.

If it were someone else, they would probably be completely clueless, not even knowing what these people were up to or what their demands were.

In a place like Russia, which isn't very popular in historical circles, even a PhD in Russian history might not be enough to make someone an expert in history. How could anyone possibly know everything about the course of history?

He didn't know what would happen.

But Sergei still had high expectations for him, which was understandable. Solovyov, as a soldier who rose to fame at a young age and became acting commander-in-chief of the Russian army at the age of 34, had a high level of prestige. These young nobles all hoped that he could stand on their side and that if he raised his voice, people would respond.

But Solovyov didn't have this idea; his main goal was to serve the overall strategy.

In the 19th century, if we put ourselves in the shoes of the world, the greatest threat was probably British hegemony and the impending potential crisis.

Although because of his relationship with the Prince of Wales, Princess Charlotte has a strict royal care system, with obstetricians and midwives accompanying her in addition to her caregivers.

If Charlotte were to die in childbirth under these circumstances, resulting in the deaths of both mother and child, then it could only be considered fate.

Solovyov was unaware that his ability to change the world was only unleashed when the giant Napoleon went to the island.

But Europe is what it is now, and it's hard to say how much change will ultimately bring about what results.

Regarding the Decembrists, although he shared his views with Prince Sergei, the highest-ranking member among these young people and one of the closest to him, he also hoped that he would be more pragmatic.

However, the other party clearly only took the surface meaning to heart, and how things will actually turn out in practice remains to be seen.

The other thing is perhaps abstract and somewhat darkly humorous.

Princess Charlotte will give birth to a healthy baby boy in November, and she herself will survive.

In that case, Victoria wouldn't even have a chance to hit the wall.

Because Charlotte and her child are alive, it means that her uncles can live their lives in peace, with mistresses by their side. In other words, the Duke of Clarence, whose Irish mistress has long since left him, may need to find a young noblewoman to marry.

But these world-changing events may take some time before those involved become aware of them.

European royalty will probably have to thank Solovyov then; whether it's for his piety or his good deeds, he'll likely receive a huge reward. (End of Chapter)